Sonority-Driven Stress does not Exist

Shih, Shu-hao

doi:10.3765/amp.v3i0.3666

Cited by 8 publications

(8 citation statements)

References 16 publications

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“…The experiments reported here found modest acoustic evidence in favor of fixed initial stress, failed to find clear acoustic correlates of sonority-driven stress as described by de Lacy (2002;, and found that speakers have inconsistent stress intuitions. These results are in keeping with other recent literature on Gujarati (Shih 2016;2018).…”

Section: Discussionsupporting

confidence: 93%

Positional vs. sonority-driven stress in Gujarati: New experimental evidence

Bowers

2019

PDA

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Stress in Gujarati (Indo-Aryan, India and Pakistan) has been alternately claimed to be strictly positional or sensitive to vowel sonority. The latter analyses figure prominently in arguments for scalar markedness constraints (de Lacy 2002, 2006). This study presents acoustic measures and speaker intuitions to evaluate both the positional and sonority-driven stress hypotheses. The acoustic results support weakly cued positional stress, though speaker intuitions for primary stress placement were inconsistent. This replicates Shih’s (2018) negative findings, and indicates that Gujarati stress should not figure in discussions of sonority-driven stress or associated theoretical proposals.

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Section: Discussionsupporting

confidence: 93%

Positional vs. sonority-driven stress in Gujarati: New experimental evidence

Bowers

2019

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“…We conclude that Slovenian stress makes direct reference to particular vowel qualities. In later work, Shih (2016Shih ( , 2018 and Shih & de Lacy (2020) make the stronger claim that even sonority cannot influence stress assignment. A similar claim is also made by Rasin (2017).…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 98%

Positional faithfulness drives laxness alternations in Slovenian

Becker

Jurgec

2020

Phonology

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We analyse the distribution of vowel laxness and stress alternations in Slovenian nouns (for example in the nominative and genitive forms of the masculine noun [ˈjɛzik ~ jeˈzika] ‘tongue’), showing that stress shifts away from mid lax vowels in initial syllables. A stress shift of this sort is predicted by positional faithfulness (Beckman 1997). We show that this prediction is correct, contra McCarthy (2007, 2010) and Jesney (2011). The productivity of the pattern is confirmed in a large-scale nonce-word task. Stress shift in Slovenian is a result of the markedness of mid lax vowels and, perhaps counterintuitively, faithfulness to laxness in initial stressed position.

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“…Goedemans & van Zanten 2007, Tabain, Fletcher & Butcher 2014. Similarly, while the book proposes constraints that 'relate sonority directly to … stress' (20), agreeing with de Lacy (2002,2004) and others, it has been demonstrated that many apparent sonority-driven stress cases have highly conflicting descriptions, and those descriptions do not match experimental results (Shih 2016(Shih , 2018aShih & de Lacy 2019).…”

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confidence: 89%

Kevin Ryan, Prosodic weight: Categories and continua (Oxford Studies in Phonology and Phonetics). Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2019. Pp. xvii + 288.

Shih

2020

J. Ling.

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This book presents analyses of phonological weight in four grammatical systems and proposes novel theories to account for them. 'Weight' refers to how phonological systems refer to syllable types for various phenomena. For example, stress will often be attracted to CVː and CVC syllables, soin such a systemthese syllable types are 'heavy' while CV syllables are 'light'. The four systems discussed in the book range from sub-syllabic to phrasal levels, including stress, prosodic minimality, meter, and end-weight. The terms 'categories' and 'continua' in the subtitle refer to categorical and gradient conceptions of weight, respectively. So, important goals in this book are to demonstrate that weight has such a nature, and to provide cross-linguistic evidence for the various types. The evidence is drawn from descriptions, typological surveys, experimental results, and corpus studies. The theoretical framework employed is Optimality Theory (OT; Prince & Smolensky 2004). Maximum Entropy Harmonic Grammar (e.g. Hayes & Wilson 2008) is adopted when dealing with gradient weight effects. This book consists of six chapters. Below I summarize the theory and evidence of each chapter. I then discuss some theoretical and methodological issues raised in this book. Chapter 2 proposes a theory of vowel prominence to account for complex weight scales for stress. The core constraint is MAIN!VV, which is violated whenever stress falls on anything other than a long vowel or vocalic diphthong. This proposal differs from theories which define weight solely by moraic content (e.g. Hayes 1995). Two independent arguments are raised to support the prominence approach. First, secondary stress sometimes reveals VC to be bimoraic even in words in which VV attracts primary stress. Second, VG (where G is the first half of a geminate consonant) almost always patterns with VC, not VV, in ternary weight systems. For

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Sonority-Driven Stress does not Exist

Cited by 8 publications

References 16 publications

Positional vs. sonority-driven stress in Gujarati: New experimental evidence

Positional vs. sonority-driven stress in Gujarati: New experimental evidence

Positional faithfulness drives laxness alternations in Slovenian

Kevin Ryan, Prosodic weight: Categories and continua (Oxford Studies in Phonology and Phonetics). Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2019. Pp. xvii + 288.

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