South Korea's Big Business Clientelism in Democratic Reform

Authoritarianism in East Asia's capitalist developmental state (CDS) is highly gendered. A hybrid product of Western masculinist capitalism and Confucian parental governance, CDS authoritarianism takes on a hypermasculinized developmentalism that assumes all the rights and privileges of classical Confucian patriarchy for the state while assigning to society the characteristics of classical Confucian womanhood: diligence, discipline, and deference. Society subsequently bears the burden of economic development without equal access to political representation or voice. Women in the CDS now face three tiers of patriarchal authority and exploitation: family, state, and economy. Nevertheless, new opportunities for democratization may arise even in the hypermasculinized state. We suggest: (1) emphasizing substantive, not just procedural, democratization, (2) exercising a maternalized discourse of dissent, and (3) applying hybrid strategies of social mobilization across states, societies, cultures, and movements. South Korea during the 1960s–1970s serves as our case study.

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“…At the same time, the state does not hesitate to chastise the chaebol whenever it acts disrespectfully (cf. Nam, 1995).…”

Section: Society As Hyperfeminized Confucian Daughter-wifementioning

confidence: 95%

Authoritarianism in the Hypermasculinized State: Hybridity, Patriarchy, and Capitalism in Korea

Han

Ling²

1998

Int Studies Q

105

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“…This mode of clientelism in Korea can be traced back to the relationship between political elites and large businesses under the authoritarian regime of the 1970s and 1980s (Nam, 1995;Park, 2008). Rapid industrialisation and the concentration of political power in politicians who served the regime were the social background of facilitating clientelism.…”

Section: Institutional Reforms Beyond Clientelism In South Koreamentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Meanwhile, democratisation in 1987 had the potential to be the end of clientelism and corrupt practices in Korea. Yet, such a blueprint was not realised, however, until Chung Ju-yong, the leader of the Hyundai Conglomerate, made an unprecedented bid for the presidency in 1992 (Nam, 1995). Chung wanted to end the old tradition of reciprocity existing between government and big business and publicly disclosed the informal ties.…”

Section: Institutional Reforms Beyond Clientelism In South Koreamentioning

confidence: 99%

How does party organisation develop beyond clientelism in new democracies? Evidence from South Korea, 1992–2016

Han

2020

Contemporary Politics

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“…91-142) on Brazil and South Africa; Payne (1994) on Brazil; Conaghan and Malloy (1994, pp. 86-97) on Bolivia, Ecuador, and Peru; Nam (1995) and Bellin (2000) on South Korea; Parsa (1995) on Iran and, to a lesser extent, the Philippines; and Yılmaz (1999) on Turkey. Working class.-Critics of the bourgeoisie's role in democratization argue that elites support only limited political openings that they are able to control, and that full democratization is the work of the working class. Rueschemeyer et al (1992) present the most extended case material for this position.…”

Section: Class Actors and Democratizationmentioning

confidence: 99%

Intellectuals and Democratization, 1905–1912 and 1989–1996

Kurzman

Leahey

2004

American Journal of Sociology

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This article bridges the gap in studies of the social bases of democratization between qualitative studies focused on social groups and quantitative studies focused on national characteristics. Qualitative historical evidence suggests the importance of classes-in particular, the emerging class of intellectuals-in the wave of democratizations in the decade before World War I. Quantitative cross-national data on a more recent wave of democratizations, from 1989 to 1996, confirm these findings. Models using direct maximum-likelihood estimation find that the ratio of adults with higher education has a significant positive effect on change in democracy levels, as measured by two longitudinal scales (Polity IV and Polyarchy). Proxies for the working class and the middle class-candidates proposed in previous studies as the social basis of democratization-also have significant effects.

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South Korea's Big Business Clientelism in Democratic Reform

Cited by 24 publications

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Authoritarianism in the Hypermasculinized State: Hybridity, Patriarchy, and Capitalism in Korea

Authoritarianism in the Hypermasculinized State: Hybridity, Patriarchy, and Capitalism in Korea

How does party organisation develop beyond clientelism in new democracies? Evidence from South Korea, 1992–2016

Intellectuals and Democratization, 1905–1912 and 1989–1996

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