“South” Model Life Tables and Stable Populations

Coale, Ansley J.; Demeny, Paul; Vaughan, Barbara

doi:10.1016/b978-0-12-177080-8.50012-3

Cited by 163 publications

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“…However, when studying the crossing for countries outside those included in the HMD the results suggest that the crossing is occurring at expectations beyond age 75 (see Figure 6). This is also observed when examining model life tables created by the UN (1982) and Coale and Demeny (1983) for the crossing (analysis not shown). Relevant measures for explicating this crossing at higher life expectancies are the levels of mortality before and after age one.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 55%

The crossover between life expectancies at birth and at age one: The imbalance in the life table

Canudas-Romo¹,

Becker²

2011

DemRes

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The single most used demographic measure to describe population health is life expectancy at birth, but life expectancies at ages other than zero are also used in the study of human longevity. Our intuition tells us that the longest life expectancy is that of a newborn. However, historically, the expectation of life at age one (e 1 ) has exceeded the expectation of life at birth (e 0 ). The crossover between e 0 and e 1 only occurred in the developed world in the second half of the twentieth century. Life tables for populations that have not achieved this crossing between life expectancy at birth and at age one are referred to here as imbalanced. This crossover occurs when infant mortality is equal to the inverse of life expectancy at age one. This simple relation between mortality at age zero and mortality after age one divides the world into countries that have achieved the crossover in life expectancies and those that have not. It is a within-population comparison of mortality at infancy and after age one. However, results of these within-population comparisons can be used for comparison between populations. For countries that have already achieved this crossing in life expectancies, the sex differential in the timing of the crossing is marked: Females attain the crossing before males for every single population and in some cases by up to 18 years earlier. However, for most developing countries, life expectancy at age one is still higher than life expectancy at birth, in some cases by several years. Subpopulation comparisons for the US show that black Americans are near to transitioning out of the imbalanced life table situation while the white population has already done so.

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 55%

The crossover between life expectancies at birth and at age one: The imbalance in the life table

Canudas-Romo¹,

Becker²

2011

DemRes

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“…This in turn requires the measurement of b 200 households for an increase in the number of households to be signi®cantly higher than the expected 13% of households with one child with a Z-score below À1.5 to be sustained statistically (P`0.05). Tables can readily be constructed (see Appendix) to allow the sample size to be adjusted should unusual family sizes be found, but UN fertility statistics suggest that the median family size of`2 children below 10 years is reasonably representative worldwide (Coale & Demeny, 1983;United Nations Demographic Yearbook, 1992). Thus, if a well surveyed, e.g.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

The potential use of maternal size in priority setting when combating childhood malnutrition

James¹,

Ferro-Luzzi

Sette

et al. 1999

Eur J Clin Nutr

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Objective: To devise a strategy for assessing the nutritional status of a household and specifying the major needs in combating childhood wasting, distinguishing between inadequate food availability, poor parental care andaor the need for improved public health measures. Design: An evaluation of the relationship between children's wasting, stunting, or underweight and mothers' or adult women's body mass indexes (BMIs) in the same household. A household was designated as`malnourished' on the basis of a single child's weightaheight of`À2.0 s.d. or at risk of being malnourished if the Z-score was belowÀ1.5. Adult women's BMI was taken to signify adequate household food availability. Sibling concordance of anthropometric measures was investigated. Results: A wide variety of prevalence of severe (BMI`16.0), moderate (BMI 16.0 ± 16.9) and marginal (17.0 ± 18.4) malnutrition existed in the various study areas. The worst condition was recorded in India, while 18% of the women in Zimbabwe were classi®ed as obese. Similarly wide variation in the prevalence of child wasting and stunting was observed, with the Indian children again faring worst and those in Zimbabwe the best. The withinhousehold analysis of concordance gave higher concordance for height than for weight between siblings. Mothers' BMI was highly correlated with the BMI of all other adult women in the same household and the BMI of all the women was found to be as useful as that of the mother for relating to children's anthropometry. Households with mothers of normal body weight but wasted children were designated as in need of public health measures and improved parental care rather than of enhanced food security. The distribution of households on this combined basis of maternal BMI and child nutritional status highlighted very diverse situations in the various study areas, with higher proportions of combined maternal and child malnutrition in India and in some areas of Ethiopia, while in Zimbabwe only 1 ± 2% presented this condition. On this basis, the principal problem in India was food security; in Zimbabwe household security was rarely apparent, so public health measures and maternal care were designated as problems. In three Ethiopian communities there was a mixture of needs. Conclusions: A relatively simple household-based approach is proposed to discriminate the most pressing needs in combating childhood malnutrition, and a policy-making tool is suggested for setting priorities in community action.

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“…For patterns of sex ratios around the world, see Coale and Demeny (1983) regional model life tables.…”

Section: This Article Explores the Relationship Between Kinship Instimentioning

confidence: 99%

Kinship institutions and sex ratios in India

Chakraborty

Kim

2010

Demography

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This article explores the relationship between kinship institutions and sex ratios inver since Sen (1990) proclaimed that more than 100 million women are missing around the world, referring to the abysmally low fraction of women in the total population, the case of "missing women" has generated considerable interest. In contrast to Europe and North America, where the male-to-female sex ratio is 0.95 (favoring the presence of females), the ratio in many Asian countries -such as India, China, Taiwan, Hong Kong, and South Korea-is as high as 1.06, signifi cantly favoring the presence of males. 1 Moreover, in many of these countries, the male-to-female sex ratio seems to have risen over the second half of the twentieth century with economic development, declining family size, and the advent of technologies that facilitate self-selective abortion or sexselection (Park and Cho 1995).In India, and possibly elsewhere in Asia, however, the case of missing women has deep historical roots (Dyson and Moore 1983). Although identifying when the problem of missing women fi rst arose in India is diffi cult, British offi cials were well aware of the problem in North India during the mid-nineteenth century. 2 More reliable evidence from the British India censuses conducted during the late nineteenth century shows that this problem was clearly a northern rather than a southern or an eastern problem. The male-to-female sex ratio was highest in northern regions, such as Punjab; relatively equal in eastern regions, such as Bengal; but relatively low and favored women in southern regions, such as colonial Madras (Dyson and Moore 1983;Visaria 1961). 3 Although the regional difference in sex ratios narrowed between the northern and southern regions during the twentieth century, the narrowing is largely due to the convergence of southern sex ratios toward the northern fi gures. For all of India, the overall sex ratio increased from 1.03 to 1.07 between 1901 and 2001. During this period, however, the sex ratio in the historically most-masculine Punjab region in the North, ranging from *Tanika Chakraborty, DIW-Berlin, Mohrenstrasse 58, Berlin 10117; e-mail: tchakraborty@diw.de. Sukkoo Kim, Washington University and National Bureau of Economic Research. We gratefully acknowledge Bob Pollak and three anonymous referees for providing us with extremely valuable comments. We thank Karen Norberg, David Rudner, and seminar participants at the Work, Family and Public Policy workshop at Washington University and also at the 2008 annual meeting of the Population Association of America for helpful comments and discussions. We also thank Lauren Matsunaga and Michael Scarpati for research assistance and Cassie Adcock and the staff of the South Asia Library at the University of Chicago for their generous assistance in data collection. We are also grateful to the Weidenbaum Center and Washington University (Faculty Research Grant) for research support and to CRES at Olin School of Business for their generous conference funding. All errors are ours.1. B...

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“South” Model Life Tables and Stable Populations

Cited by 163 publications

References 0 publications

The crossover between life expectancies at birth and at age one: The imbalance in the life table

The crossover between life expectancies at birth and at age one: The imbalance in the life table

The potential use of maternal size in priority setting when combating childhood malnutrition

Kinship institutions and sex ratios in India

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