Sovereign Nations, Carnal States

Shapiro, Kam

doi:10.7591/9781501718229

Cited by 11 publications

(4 citation statements)

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“…As such, Benjamin's work has influenced not only Marxist but also post-Marxist or poststructuralist critical thinkers in recent years. For example, Connolly (2002: 95) cites Benjamin approvingly as a forerunner of the Deleuzian-inspired neuropolitics of cinematic practice that he advocates and Shapiro (2003) draws significantly on Benjamin to advance his concept of 'somatic politics'. Although critical of dialectical approaches, Shaviro (1993) interprets Benjamin via Deleuze in order to study film in the postmodern context of the 'mutual dependency of body and apparatus -or, better, their inextricable impropriety'.…”

Section: Notesmentioning

confidence: 99%

On the politics of perception in moving image technology

Morris

2013

Philosophy & Social Criticism

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To claim that there is a politics to or expressed within media technology is of course by no means new, but it remains controversial and not always well understood. Walter Benjamin’s (1986b) essay from 1936 on the political import of media technology is often regarded as the starting point of such discussions, since it foregrounds a key theme in critical theory, namely the politics of perception. In what follows, I would like to review the importance of the politics of perception by first outlining Benjamin’s political analysis of cinema and then engaging with a critique of Benjamin by recent American cognitivist philosophy. This will allow a consideration of the competing phenomenological cognitive science of embodied cognition that I argue offers a better account of the mind and cognition than cognitivism. As a result of this analysis of cognition, I conclude that the philosophy of embodied cognition supports Benjamin's political theory of media technology.

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Section: Notesmentioning

confidence: 99%

On the politics of perception in moving image technology

Morris

2013

Philosophy & Social Criticism

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“…Kam Shapiro, for example, has examined the "reciprocal entanglement of politics and bodies." 55 His "political somatics" provide a productive lens through which to view Hegel and Schmitt's theories of sovereignty and the marshalling of the body as a political resource. I argue that it is necessary to engage in an analysis of the ways in which bodies are constructed not only in relationship to a single sovereign, but also as bodies that negotiate mobile subjectivities with respect to more than one sovereign, a process that conditions the ways in which we understand ourselves as international bodies.…”

Section: World Biopolitics and Political Technology Of The International Selfmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Global Visa Regime and the Political Technologies of the International Self: Borders, Bodies, Biopolitics

Salter

2006

Alternatives: Global, Local, Political

227

111

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This article examines the micropolitics of the border by tracing the interface between government and individual body. In the first act of confession before the vanguard of governmental machinery, the border examination is crucial to both the operation of the global mobility regime and of sovereign power. The visa and passport systems are tickets that allow temporary and permanent membership in the community, and the border represents the limit of the community. The nascent global mobility regime through passport, visa, and frontier formalities manage an international population through and within a biopolitical frame and a confessionary complex that creates bodies that understand themselves to be international. The author charts the way that an international biopolitical order is constructed through the creation, classification, and contention of a surveillance regime and an international political technology of the individual that is driven by the globalization of a documentary, biometric, and confessionary regime. The global visa regime and international borders are crucial in constructing both international mobile populations and international mobile individuals.

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“…In this way national identities must transcend local or nonterritorial ones (based on class, religion, or other status markers), particularly for dominant (or potentially so) nation‐states. They do so by defining hard borders against discrete enemies (Shapiro 2004, 123). In this way, politics are reduced to “definitive identifications” (Shapiro 2004, 133).…”

Section: Borders As Othering Versus Borders As Borrowingmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…They do so by defining hard borders against discrete enemies (Shapiro 2004, 123). In this way, politics are reduced to “definitive identifications” (Shapiro 2004, 133). The weaker version, which considers opposition between discrete groups as contributory to rather than definitional of identity, also understands that any group, weak or strong, needs to set limits to membership but that exclusion is neither necessarily antagonistic nor invariably territorial.…”

Section: Borders As Othering Versus Borders As Borrowingmentioning

confidence: 99%

No Borders, No Nations: Making Greece in Macedonia

Agnew

2007

Annals of the Association of American Geographers

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Macedonia's centrality to the making of Greece over the past century provides the empirical grounding for an exploration of how cultural-symbolic borrowing rather than cross-border othering has been crucial for border making in Modern Greece and, by extension, everywhere in the world. There has been a recent revival in studies of borders between states and what they mean in relation to both the history of state formation and the effects of globalization on state power. Typically, however, the borders between modern ''nation-states'' are seen as originating in cross-pressures between pairs of neighboring states just the same in Africa today as, say, in nineteenthcentury France. The wider contemporary geographical context may be invoked in terms of the ''sides'' taken in particular border disputes by other nearby states or by the Great Powers. Rarely, however, is the wider historicalgeopolitical context invoked as the primary source of the practices, simultaneously material and symbolic, that produce the desire for precise borders in the first place. With increased globalization, however, the making of Greece in Macedonia may become increasingly problematic because the political logic of all national bordermaking is increasingly in question.

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Sovereign Nations, Carnal States

Cited by 11 publications

References 0 publications

On the politics of perception in moving image technology

On the politics of perception in moving image technology

The Global Visa Regime and the Political Technologies of the International Self: Borders, Bodies, Biopolitics

No Borders, No Nations: Making Greece in Macedonia

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