Spaces of Uneven Development and Class Struggle in Bolivia: Transformation or<i>Trasformismo</i>?

Hesketh, Chris; Morton, Adam David

doi:10.1111/anti.12038

Cited by 27 publications

(14 citation statements)

References 29 publications

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“…To focus on mere sites of power in stressing the production of geographically differentiated space is to elide the vital interconnections that therefore exist between them (Hesketh and Morton :150–151; Nilsen ). This has elsewhere been referred to as uneven and combined hegemony (drawing of course, from Leon Trotsky’s more familiar notion of uneven and combined development).…”

Section: State‐centrism Versus the Geographies Of Differencementioning

confidence: 99%

“…Such a variance continues into the present day as Gramsci’s concepts are appropriated directly by major “intellectuals of statecraft” such as Bolivia’s Vice‐President Álvaro García Linera (, ) to explain the construction of state power and practices, and contrarily, a different set of Gramsci’s concepts are invoked to contest these very same policies (e.g. Hesketh and Morton ; Modonesi ; Tapia ) . Gramsci’s legacy in Latin America, therefore, remains a subject of dispute (Bosteels :59).…”

Section: Introduction: the Hegemony Of Gramsci In Latin America?mentioning

confidence: 99%

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A Gramscian Conjuncture in Latin America? Reflections on Violence, Hegemony, and Geographical Difference

Hesketh

2019

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This article addresses whether the concepts of Antonio Gramsci still "travel" to Latin America. During the 20 th century, Gramsci was one of the most important social theorists invoked to understand forms of social order in Latin America, as well as providing resources to reflect upon subaltern culture, resistance and the construction of alternatives. However, over the past two decades there have been several theoretical and practical challenges to the hegemony of Gramsci. These challenges are multifarious, but can be reduced to several important contentions that are explored in this article. These include the enduring role of violence, the alleged decline of ideology and finally the challenge of state-centrism in the face of geographical difference. In the current regional conjuncture, marked by the return to power of right-wing social forces, I therefore examine whether Gramscian concepts are still apposite for understanding the political economy of Latin America in the 21 st century.Resumen: Este art ıculo aborda si los conceptos de Antonio Gramsci todav ıa "viajan" a Am erica Latina. Durante el siglo veinte, Gramsci fue uno de los te oricos sociales m as importantes que se ha invocado para entender las formas de orden social en Am erica Latina, as ı como un proveedor de recursos que reflexiona sobre la cultura subalterna, la resistencia y la construci on de alternativas. Sin embargo, durante las ultimas dos d ecadas, han habido algunos desaf ıos te oricos y pr acticos del concepto de hegemon ıa de Gramsci. Esos desaf ıos son m ultiples, pero pueden ser reducidos a varias discusiones importantes que son investigadas en este art ıculo. Estas incluyen el papel duradero de la violencia, la supuesta decadencia de la ideolog ıa y finalmente el reto del estado-centrismo frente a las diferencias geograficas. Por lo tanto, en la actual coyuntura regional, marcada por el regreso al poder de las fuerzas sociales de la derecha, yo analizo si los conceptos de Gramsci todav ıa son apropiados para entender la econom ıa pol ıtica de Am erica Latin en el siglo veintiuno.

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Section: State‐centrism Versus the Geographies Of Differencementioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introduction: the Hegemony Of Gramsci In Latin America?mentioning

confidence: 99%

A Gramscian Conjuncture in Latin America? Reflections on Violence, Hegemony, and Geographical Difference

Hesketh

2019

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“…A passive revolution need not be politically conservative in character—and in the case of the Morales government, in many respects it was not (for instance, it achieved increased levels of wealth redistribution and greater access to political representation for traditionally marginalised groups). Nevertheless, it ultimately resulted in moderate reform and, importantly, a deepened dependence on conservative interests (Hesketh and Morton ; Webber ).…”

Section: Legitimising Repressionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Populism, Hegemony, and the Politics of Natural Resource Extraction in Evo Morales's Bolivia

Andreucci

2017

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Is populism necessary to the articulation of counter‐hegemonic projects, as Laclau has long argued? Or is it, as Žižek maintains, a dangerous strategy, which inevitably degenerates into ideological mystification and reactionary postures? In this paper, I address this question by exploring the politics of discourse in Evo Morales's Bolivia. While, in the years leading to the election of Morales, a populist ideological strategy was key to challenging neoliberal forces, once the hegemony of the new power bloc was stabilised, indigenous demands for emancipatory socio‐environmental change began to be perceived as a threat to resource‐based accumulation. In this context, the populist signifiers that originated in indigenous‐popular struggles were used by the Morales government to legitimise repression of the indigenous movement. I argue, therefore, that ideological degeneration signals a problem not with populism per se, but rather with the class projects and shifting correlations of forces that underpin it in changing conjunctures.

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“…Coutinho's approach here accords with other efforts to extend passive revolution not through the amassing of various ‘case studies’ but through a careful method of relational comparison as in the work of Hart (). Tugal () has therefore developed passive revolution to understand the absorption of Islam within the state form of Turkey, enabling related understandings of both Egypt and Iran; Chatterjee has used the concept, albeit in a slightly confusing fashion, to capture ‘the nationalist marriage of progress in social justice’ (, 132) within Nehru's vision for India; Morton ( ) has developed passive revolution in a Mexican context; Hesketh and Morton () have, more recently, analysed emergent class strategies of passive revolution within a Bolivian context; and in South Africa, Hart () has extended her method of relational comparison to analyse the specific form that passive revolution has taken.…”

Section: Passive Revolution: Translating Gramsci Into African Realitiesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Africa's passive revolution: crisis in Malawi

Brooks

Loftus

2016

Trans Inst British Geog

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Recent protest movements in sub-Saharan Africa have generally failed to effect progressive transformations. Efforts to achieve social change have been frustrated by governing elites that continue to utilise their vacillating and unequal relationships with the external environment to sustain power. Although the leading figures may change, the dominant African class can re-establish leadership through new alliances with domestic and international networks of capital. To understand such 'change-without-change', this paper contributes to the growing body of literature on Antonio Gramsci's development of 'passive revolution'. The comparative character of Gramscian analysis enables his philosophy of praxis to be translated into very different historical and geographical settings. With this in mind we draw together recent engagements with passive revolution from Geography, Politics and African Studies. In particular we develop Jean-Franc ßois Bayart's notion of extraversion, while considering it in relation to more recent philological engagements with Gramsci. Our empirical focus is the politics of transition in Malawi. In his second term in office, the autocratic and unpopular president, Bingu wa Mutharika, implemented economic policies that ran against neoliberal orthodoxy and suppressed protest during a period of crisis. Mutharika was replaced, following his death in 2012, by Joyce Banda, a previously marginalised vice-president, who nurtured a re-engagement with transnational capital. Working through the state, Banda led a transformation from on high and moved to impose new economically liberal policies, including a major currency devaluation, which reduced living standards for many. We draw our empirical material from Chancellor College, a major site of protest against Mutharika in 2011. Evidence from interviews with staff and students demonstrates how two episodes of revolution/restoration in Malawi, a country distant from the western historical experience, can be interpreted through Gramsci's socially differentiated understanding of politics.

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Spaces of Uneven Development and Class Struggle in Bolivia: Transformation orTrasformismo?

Cited by 27 publications

References 29 publications

A Gramscian Conjuncture in Latin America? Reflections on Violence, Hegemony, and Geographical Difference

A Gramscian Conjuncture in Latin America? Reflections on Violence, Hegemony, and Geographical Difference

Populism, Hegemony, and the Politics of Natural Resource Extraction in Evo Morales's Bolivia

Africa's passive revolution: crisis in Malawi

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