We, the authors of this book, were drawn together by our belief that one of Africa's indigenous human resources for development, i.e., traditional authorities, was being overlooked, if not rejected, because of the misconceptions held by some policy-makers and researchers in African postcolonial states and elsewhere. We were puzzled by the anti-chief railings, especially in light of the realities on the ground that were experienced in Ghana, South Africa, and Botswana. We saw that some chiefs in those three post-colonial countries were active in development but some appeared not to be involved. We asked ourselves if these active chiefs were part of some larger trend that had been somehow overlooked during the aftermath of independence. Independence had truly been a wonderful achievement that ended European colonialism, but of course new problems had emerged that then had to be addressed. During this time, traditional leaders fell from sight and often from the political grace of the nationalists who had achieved independence. This was also a time when the now independent African states had to face the challenges of transforming colonial bureaucracies, armies, police forces, economies, etc., into democratic post-colonial states and economies. The way turned out to be much harder than expected: these included, inter alia, military coups, corruption that in some cases bled the country's finances dry and impoverished the people, an inherited state governing ethos of the colonial state, economies undermined and distorted by the European-controlled slave trade, colonialism, and now new forms of imperialism (see, for example, the prophetic words of Fanon 1963 and1967; Nkrumah 1965; Rodney 1972 or Saul 2005, revolutions, and elections betrayed. Having seen and often having experienced some of these from a variety of perspectives, we the authors of this book began to realize that we had a common interest in the potential that African chiefs might have in promoting (or hindering) development. We had no illusions that traditional leaders would or could "save" Africa, any more than the civilian and military leaders of the postcolonial African states would, but we did have a sense that traditional leaders represented an overlooked and underused indigenous human resource in some or perhaps many sub-Saharan African states that might well contribute to development.