Abstract:Using Louisiana school board property tax elections from the past decade, the authors study the question of whether or not special elections tend to produce lower turnout and a greater percentage of yes votes than do general elections. With the problem focusing on the choice of voting yes, voting no, or abstaining from voting, modified minimum chi-square methods are used in the analysis. The authors find that opposition to local school taxes increases with turnout. They also find that turnout is affected by th… Show more
“… 4 This finding is consistent with the mixed empirical evidence on the effects of turnout on support for school referenda. Pecquet et al (1996) find that the proportion supporting Louisiana school bonds is lower in concurrent elections. Rubinfeld (1977) finds that changes in turnout, and not vote choice, explain a shift in the electoral success of a single referendum.…”
ABSTRACT:This paper focuses on the strategic timing of elections by agenda-setters in direct democracy settings. Because concurrent elections affect turnout, scheduling referenda for different elections will produce different median voters. I hypothesize that agendasetters with power over the timing of a referendum will schedule the referendum in conjunction with the other set of races that produce a policy closest to their preferred outcome. Consistent with the theory, I show that Wisconsin school boards' use of special elections for school referenda are related to differences in the revealed preferences of voters in low and high turnout elections.
“… 4 This finding is consistent with the mixed empirical evidence on the effects of turnout on support for school referenda. Pecquet et al (1996) find that the proportion supporting Louisiana school bonds is lower in concurrent elections. Rubinfeld (1977) finds that changes in turnout, and not vote choice, explain a shift in the electoral success of a single referendum.…”
ABSTRACT:This paper focuses on the strategic timing of elections by agenda-setters in direct democracy settings. Because concurrent elections affect turnout, scheduling referenda for different elections will produce different median voters. I hypothesize that agendasetters with power over the timing of a referendum will schedule the referendum in conjunction with the other set of races that produce a policy closest to their preferred outcome. Consistent with the theory, I show that Wisconsin school boards' use of special elections for school referenda are related to differences in the revealed preferences of voters in low and high turnout elections.
“…These are listed in Table 1. The list includes virtually all if not all of the states whose referendums have been studied in the literature: Louisiana (Pecquet et al 1996), Michigan (Holcombe 1980), New Jersey (Megdal 1983), New York (Munley 1982(Munley , 1984, Oklahoma (Dunne et al 1997), and Oregon (Romer and Rosenthal 1978). In these 12 states, the number of elections per year in the typical school district ranges from 0.364 in West Virginia to 2.782 in Oklahoma.…”
“…As noted by Gong and Rogers (), there are two popular methods of modeling vote shares: the method we employ, namely OLS, and the logit transformation of the share voting yes which takes the form: . Examples of studies that use a logit transformation include: Pecquet et al (), and Gong and Rogers (). Examples of studies that use OLS include: Gong and Rogers () and Thompson and Whitley ().…”
We examine whether the salience of the property tax liability implications of voting yes on a school bond referendum affects bond approval rates. We exploit the fact that school districts in Minnesota are required to explicitly note the property tax implications of voting yes on bond referenda in bold capital letters on a ballot while districts in the neighboring state of Wisconsin are only required to inform voters of the amount of bonds to be issued. Using data on local school bond passage rates from Minnesota and Wisconsin over the period 2008–2017, we find that when the property tax implications of voting yes are more salient, the fraction of voters favoring bond passage declines by approximately four to seven percentage points and the probability of bond passage falls by approximately ten percentage points. These results are robust to numerous specification checks including propensity score weighting methods and leveraging the geographic distance between school districts in Minnesota and Wisconsin.
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