“…In the case of Somalia, for instance, the EU is involved in a complex network of partnerships set up to cope with the piracy challenge. This ranges from shipping companies and private security companies to regional and international organizations and ultimately dozens of states (Ehrhart and Petretto 2013). Despite its general usefulness, the inclusion of numerous actors may also backfire, because the sheer size or the plurality of coordination mechanisms may lead to mere navel-gazing, as in the case of Afghanistan's security forces reform (Gross 2012).…”
Section: Structures Of Eu Security Governance: Inclusive Hierarchy-fmentioning
“…In the case of Somalia, for instance, the EU is involved in a complex network of partnerships set up to cope with the piracy challenge. This ranges from shipping companies and private security companies to regional and international organizations and ultimately dozens of states (Ehrhart and Petretto 2013). Despite its general usefulness, the inclusion of numerous actors may also backfire, because the sheer size or the plurality of coordination mechanisms may lead to mere navel-gazing, as in the case of Afghanistan's security forces reform (Gross 2012).…”
Section: Structures Of Eu Security Governance: Inclusive Hierarchy-fmentioning
“…EU approaches to Somalia have been largely predicated on a liberal peace‐building agenda, which is top‐down and ignores organic, indigenous local structures (Oksamytna, ), as well as cultural adaptation of international security and development agendas. Yet owing to the historic and cultural complexities of the Somali context, and the protracted politicisation of education over time detailed in previous sections, solutions to security, governance and development issues in Somalia will only have legitimacy if they are seen to come from local communities themselves and not necessarily from the EU and the West (Ehrhart and Petretto, ). Such solutions can come about only if Somalis are educated about their past and their present in an open and critical manner.…”
Section: Normative Power Europe and Eu Foreign Policymentioning
confidence: 99%
“…In the end, the EU guides its policies towards Somalia through several pillars: humanitarian aid, development cooperation, political dialogue, and crisis management (Ehrhart and Petretto, ). The narrative in all EU policy documents revolves around the need to intervene in Somalia from the outside to improve the security, governance and development chances of the territories comprising the Horn of Africa.…”
Section: Normative Power Europe and Eu Foreign Policymentioning
This paper examines the connections between identity politics and European Union (EU) aid effectiveness in peacebuilding education in Somalia. It engages with a severe educational challenge, which is that a lack of capacity in rigorous educational design and/or implementation across Somali Ministries in the South Central Zone, Somaliland and Puntland has led to the importation of multiple foreign curricula into the country simultaneously that do not address Somali history and contemporary conflict drivers and that frequently clash with local values as well as with each other. We critique this from a ‘new barbarism’ perspective, arguing that Somali voices and educational priorities have not been provided a sufficient space for expression in the EU debate on the global and therefore also the national development agenda.
“…The EU approach leads to ad-hoc policies that do not properly engage with local communities. Indeed, the EU's Comprehensive Approach to development in Somalia is imbued with a technocratic understanding of state-building as capacity-building, is halfheartedly applied, and does not take into account local characteristics in a meaningful way, This is in contrast to Operation Atalanta which has been a relative success in comparison, but the point is all EU actions have preferred military and counter-insurgency approaches to the issue of Somali security over dealing with land-based development problems that exist 55 . It is clear that only a comprehensive EU land-based approach to piracy driven by development will have any lasting positive impact on the region.…”
Section: The Eu Anti-piracy Operation In the Horn Of Africamentioning
Piracy off the coast of Somalia has resulted in a steady decline in trade through the Arabian Sea and higher costs of doing business for multiple world regions. The EU has responded to the threat with a large scale anti-piracy operation in the Horn of Africa, which constitutes the first free-standing Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) military operation that is not entirely dependent on NATO planning and assets. The operation is designed to interdict Somali piracy operations across the Gulf of Aden and to keep some of the world's busiest sea lanes open for reasons of world trade. This article argues that the EU preoccupation with military solutions to the piracy problem, based on interventions through the Somali Federal Government with an emphasis on security, is insufficient because it fails to address the underlying causes of piracy and misunderstands the Somali socio-culturalsecurity nexus and the need for practical longer-term land-based approaches to development. The reduction of Somali piracy activities can be linked to this increased military response capacity as well as to increased security precautions undertaken by shipping companies: but none of these strategies have succeeded in dismantling piracy networks. They therefore offer only a temporary and costly stopgap measure.
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