State-led Migration, Democratic Legitimacy, and Deterritorialization: The Philippines' labour export model

Abstract

Developing countries are increasingly facilitating migration as a way of generating remittances for the home economy. The Philippines serves as a paradigmatic example, inaugurating a labour export scheme in 1973 that has grown each year and resulted in nearly 25 per cent of the labour force working abroad. The institutionalization of this labour export policy, along with changes in citizenship and voting laws, has led to the increasing deterritorialization of the Philippines state, with concomitant implications for democracy and democratization. This deterritorialization presents both opportunities and challenges for the state. Among them are the possibility of securing sustained remittances and the necessity of securing democratic legitimacy from a globalized polity. This paper traces the evolution of this labour export policy and analyzes the effects of state discursive strategies designed to secure democratic legitimacy. To further this analysis I present the results of a survey conducted among Filipina domestic workers in Hong Kong (n=691). The responses indicate the discursive strategy of 'national heroes' has been effective in that majorities of OFWs view themselves as 'heroes of the nation.' However, OFWs also view themselves as making sacrifices for the nation and have concerns about government commitments to protect the rights and interests of OFWs.

Collective Remittances and Migrant-State Collaboration in Mexico and El Salvador

“…A third encouraging factor in the two countries is the adoption of a national policy of state outreach to migrants. As in other high-migration countries (Castles 2007;Iskander 2010;Nieswand 2009;Solomon 2009), the official discourse in Mexico and El Salvador recently shifted from vilifying emigrants as traitors to glorifying them as heroes of the nation (Landolt et al 2001;Smith and Bakker 2008). In line with this shift, both countries created new institutions to cultivate migrant loyalty and resources.…”

Contingent Relations: Migrant Wellbeing and Economic Development in Rural Manitoba

“…In the case of the Philippines, this outcome has been pursued through a complex institutional lattice work consisting of various government departments and agencies, and a state-regulated private sector ( Bello et al, 2005 ). As a result, the Philippines is one of the world’s top exporters of labour in the world ( Ball, 2006 ; Tyner and Donaldson, 1999 ; Solomon, 2009 ; Agbola and Acupan, 2010 ). Predicated on a long history of internal and regional labour mobility ( De Jong et al, 1983 ; Barber and Bryan, 2012 ), the country—under the Marcos regime—formerly instituted labour export in the early 1970s ( Tyner, 1999 ).…”

States or parties? Emigrant outreach and transnational engagement

“…In the Philippines, this kind of advocacy has its roots in the anti-Marcos movements of the 1970s and 1980s (Bello and Reyes, 1986), whose leftist leanings and broad critiques of homeland governance are carried on today by groups such as Migrante International, a global alliance of organizations representing Filipino OFWs. Emigrant activists have also actively lobbied the government to protect migrant workers against fraud and abuse and to extend political rights to overseas Filipinos (Rodriguez, 2002; Solomon, 2009). Even organizations that openly support candidates for political office tend to make their support conditional, as illustrated by the shifting position of Migrante International toward Rodrigo Duterte, whom they strongly supported during the campaign but are now harshly criticizing for breaking his promises.…”