State rules: Oil companies and armed conflict in Sudan

Patey, Luke

doi:10.1080/01436590701371728

Cited by 68 publications

(23 citation statements)

References 12 publications

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“…This move contributed to the resurgence of rebellion in the South, with a southern secessionist group killing three Chevron employees in 1984. With a renewed civil war raging and oil price collapsDownloaded by [University of Kent] at 15:22 26 November 2014 ing, Chevron withdrew in 1992 and "junior" western oil companies often partnering with Asian state oil companies moved in (Patey 2007). The security required by oil companies in production areas was in part secured through the 1997 Khartoum Peace Agreement (which included oil revenue sharing) between the central authorities and a Southern secessionist military faction (Young 2003).…”

Section: S Oil Boom/oil Crisismentioning

confidence: 98%

Oil and Armed Conflicts in Africa

Billon

2010

African Geographical Review

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Popular geopolitical representations of oil in Africa conjure up images of corrupt politicians, disgruntled populations, and predatory foreign oil companies: a volatile mix that would supposedly keep African "petrostates" locked in armed conflicts. This article queries these geopolitical narra, and offers a different perspective: while several countries-such as Algeria, Angola, Nigeria and Sudan-have indeed experienced long and deadly conflicts, African oil-producing countries have not, on average, been more frequently at war than non-oil producers. The article explores this perspective by reviewing the main arguments linking oil and armed conflicts, providing a brief overview of conflict trends, and identifying some of the major conflict risk factors. These factors should inform future risk assessments for African oilproducing countries, while motivating further research considering broader forms of violence and their geographies.

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Section: S Oil Boom/oil Crisismentioning

confidence: 98%

Oil and Armed Conflicts in Africa

Billon

2010

African Geographical Review

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“…This paper has demonstrated that China is not a unique actor in Africa -other investors are also attracted by rising commodity prices and liberal investment climates. Likewise, the close relationship between the Chinese government and African leaders is not only a Chinese endeavour, but is standard practice across the board for instance in the Western oil industry (Patey, 2007). Nor are China's activities in Africa unique.…”

Section: The Chinese Are Not Exceptional: Concluding Remarksmentioning

confidence: 98%

Part of the Disease Or Part of the Cure? Chinese Investments in the Zambian Mining and Construction Sectors

Kragelund

2009

Eur J Dev Res

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China's role in African development is much debated among academics as well as among private sector organisations, trade unions and politicians. Notwithstanding the recent upsurge of interest, the lion's share of the current studies on 'China in Africa' is still based on a combination of aggregate figures and sporadic information from news agencies. Although much of the hysteria surrounding the 'China in Africa' debate has now evaporated -at least from the scholarly debate -the local debate is highly politicised and of a very dichotomous nature: China is either seen as benign or malign to African development efforts. This paper seeks to go beyond this dichotomous view by examining the multifaceted nature of Chinese investments in two sectors of the Zambian economy. It argues that these investments to a large extent resemble other foreign investments but the sheer size and growth of the investments trigger local reactions.Le roˆle de la Chine dans le de´veloppement en Afrique fait objet d'un de´bat ardent, non seulement aux Etats Unis et en Europe mais e´galement prend de l'ampleur en Afrique. Ce de´bat ne se limite pas aux e´crits universitaires mais concerne aussi des organisations du secteur prive´, des syndicats et des hommes politiques. En de´pit de cet inte´reˆt croissant, la plupart des e´tudes actuelles sur 'la Chine en Afrique' sont encore base´es sur de statistiques agre´ge´es et d'informations sporadiques en provenance des agences de presse. De plus, le de´bat est dichotomique: les activite´s de la Chine sont perc¸ues comme ayant des effets soit positives, soit ne´gatifs sur les pays africains. Cet article cherche a`de´passer cette vision en examinant les multiples aspects des investissements chinois dans deux secteurs de l'e´conomie zambienne. Il cherche ainsi a`contribuer a`notre compre´hension des conse´quences domestiques de la pre´sence de plus en plus importante de la Chine en Afrique.

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“…Along with its armed militias, Khartoum terrorized civilian populations with improvised Antonov bombers and helicopter gunships that became more readily available as oil revenues grew.'' 64 There is some evidence that airstrips built and maintained by Chinese workers in the oil areas were used during 2002 and 2003 as military bases from which the Sudanese government forces launched missions. 65 Many of the helicopter gunships in Khartoum's arsenal were obtained from China, often using projected receipts from oil extractions in the regions where fighting took place.…”

Section: Arms Sales and Africamentioning

confidence: 99%