States of reproduction: the co-production of queer and trans parenthood in three European countries

Abstract

Achieving parenthood with the help of assisted reproductive technologies (ART) remains a fraught business, particularly for queer and trans people who want to use sperm donation, egg donation, procedures involving surrogates, or other ARTs. This is because the regulation of fertility treatment and associated issues such as the documentation of parenthood in birth certificates and passports varies across countries including European jurisdictions. These variations include who is considered an appropriate prospective parent, what kind of treatment they should be allowed, and to what documented parent status they are entitled. Elaborating a continuum model of classifying countries according to their relatively permissive or restrictive ART regulations, we argue that other criteria of assessment need to be used to acknowledge queer and trans people. We compare Estonia, Austria and the UK in terms of LGBTIQ people's opportunities to access ART and the documentation of parenthood. The concept of 'ontological surgery' regarding the regulation of biotechnology in different states suggests ways of thinking about differences in access to ART and parenthood status both within and across countries for LGBTQI people seeking to form families and to create new kinds of kinship. ARTICLE HISTORY

Marketing of donor eggs by offering possibilities for imaginary actualization of recipients’ ideal self

“…In the United States, roughly 10% of all IVF cycles are donor egg cycles. Egg donation has become an important aspect of the Assisted Reproduction Technologies (ARTs) industry, as infertile couples, LGBTQ people, and single individuals who do not have or cannot use their own eggs and sperm rely on “donated” gametes to conceive children (Leibetseder and Griffin, 2020; Malmquist and Höjerström, 2020). Gamete donation is now entrenched in the broader suite of assisted reproductive technology procedures that have led to parenthood for millions of people around the world (Bokek-Cohen, 2014, 2016; Deomampo, 2019).…”

Género y reproducción transnacional de familias no-heterosexuales en España

“…Y que, como apuntan Pichardo, Stéfano y Martín Chiappes (2015: 188), si bien no dejan de mantener, reproducir y adaptarse culturalmente a modelos de familias heteroparentales anteriores (Riggs y Dempsey 2015), están contribuyendo a transformaciones sociales local/nacional y global de la familia y el parentesco (Dempsey 2013;Courduriès 2018;Scherman, Misca y Xing Tan 2020). Con todo, y a pesar de estos cambios legislativos (Sáez 2011;Platero 2007;Lorenzo Villaverde 2015), como ocurre en otros países donde se permite la maternidad/ paternidad a personas y parejas no-heterosexuales, éstas tienen que enfrentarse a actitudes y procesos de exclusión social (homofóbicos/transfóbicos) una vez que deciden ser madres/padres e inician sus trámites para convertirse en tales (Lewin 1993;Weston 1997Weston [1991; König 2018;Leibetseder 2018). Puesto que el bajo índice de natalidad en España, entre otros factores, como políticas de protección de la infancia, hace muy difícil la adopción doméstica o nacional (Álvarez, Rivas y Jociles 2016; Marre, San Román y Guerra 2018), cuando deciden adoptar a sus hijas/ os en el extranjero no solo tienen que considerar la legislación nacional, que en el caso español se lo permiten, sino las restricciones específicas que con respecto a género e identidad sexual se establecen en los países en los que se proponen adoptar (Volkman 2005;Imaz 2017).…”