Status incongruity and backlash effects: Defending the gender hierarchy motivates prejudice against female leaders

Rudman, Laurie A.; Moss‐Racusin, Corinne A.; Phelan, Julie E.; Nauts, Sanne

doi:10.1016/j.jesp.2011.10.008

Cited by 835 publications

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“…It is noteworthy, however, that normative pressures to conform tend to be particularly strong for men because society places greater value on the traits and abilities associated with men and masculinity than on those associated with women and femininity (see e.g., Ridgeway 2011). For instance, Rudman et al (2012) demonstrate that the traits that men are supposed to possess are high in status (e.g., competitive), whereas the traits that women are supposed to possess are more neutral in status (e.g., friendly). In contrast, the traits that men are not supposed to possess are low in status (e.g., emotional) and the traits that women are not supposed to possess are high in status (e.g., aggressive).…”

Section: Descriptive and Prescriptive Gender Stereotypesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Segregation, Stereotypes, and STEM

2018

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Scientific, technical, engineering, and mathematical (STEM) occupations are strongholds of gender segregation in the contemporary United States. While many Americans regard this segregation as natural and inevitable, closer examination reveals a great deal of variability in the gendering of STEM fields across time, space, and demographic groups. This article assesses how different theoretical accounts accord with the available evidence on the gender composition of scientific and technical fields. We find most support for accounts that allow for a dynamic interplay between individual-level traits and the broader sociocultural environments in which they develop. The existing evidence suggests, in particular, that Western cultural stereotypes about the nature of STEM work and STEM workers and about the intrinsic qualities of men and women can be powerful drivers of individual aptitudes, aspirations, and affinities. We offer an illustrative catalog of stereotypes that support women's STEM-avoidance and men's STEM-affinity, and we conclude with some thoughts on policy implications.Keywords: gender; STEM; segregation; stereotypes; culture; work; occupations; science; inequality For more than three decades, American educators, policy makers, activists, and business leaders have engaged in research and policy initiatives to increase the presence of women and other underrepresented groups in scientific, technical, engineering, and mathematical (STEM) occupations and fields of study. These efforts have been motivated by interests in broadening opportunities in lucrative, high-status occupations and in ameliorating acute STEM labor shortages that are believed to threaten national prosperity, private profits and the public welfare.Despite wide-ranging research and policy efforts, STEM occupations remain strongholds of gender segregation in the contemporary United States. Women made up nearly half of the US labor market in 2015, but only 28% of all scientific and technical workers. Within STEM, gender segregation is also very strong, with women comprising 48% of life scientists and 60% of social scientists, but only 28% of physical scientists and 15% of engineers (NSF 2018, Appendices 3-12). 1 While some fields have integrated over time, others have become more segregated. Women's share of US bachelor's degrees in computer science, for instance, declined from 28% to 18% between (NSF 2018.While many Americans understand men's dominance of scientific and technical work as natural and universal, the gender typing of STEM fields varies a great deal across space, time, and socio-demographic groups. Recent comparative studies have shown that scientific degree recipients are disproportionately female in Iran, Saudi Arabia, Romania, and Georgia, for example, and that the gender gap in children's STEM aspirations is larger in more affluent societies (Charles 2011a(Charles , 2017 1 Even within engineering women and men tend to do different work: about 10% of mechanical and electrical engineers are women, compared to 20...

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Section: Descriptive and Prescriptive Gender Stereotypesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Segregation, Stereotypes, and STEM

2018

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“…We included likeability to be an indicator of communality, because it is often described as part of the communality construct (Abele et al, 2008). Similar to other communal attributes, it is also more prescriptive for women to be likeable than for men (Rudman et al, 2012). 4.…”

Section: Practical Implicationsmentioning

confidence: 99%

The communality-bonus effect for male transformational leaders – leadership style, gender, and promotability

Hentschel

Braun

Peus

et al. 2017

European Journal of Work and Organizational Psychology

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2019) 'The communality-bonus eect for male transformational leaders leadership style, gender, and promotability.', European journal of work and organizational psychology., 27 (1). pp. 112-125.Further information on publisher's website: Use policyThe full-text may be used and/or reproduced, and given to third parties in any format or medium, without prior permission or charge, for personal research or study, educational, or not-for-prot purposes provided that:• a full bibliographic reference is made to the original source • a link is made to the metadata record in DRO • the full-text is not changed in any way The full-text must not be sold in any format or medium without the formal permission of the copyright holders.Please consult the full DRO policy for further details.

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“…Backlash effects and sexism ('attitudes that reinforce gender hierarchy') (Glick & Rudman, 2010) concern both women and men (cf. Karasiewicz & Kosakowska, 2008;Kosakowska-Berezecka, 2012;Rudman et al, 2012;Croft, Schmader, & Block, 2015;KosakowskaBerezecka, Korzeniewska, & Kaczorowska, 2016). Throughout history women have been both praised and punished for not being feminine enough (Eagly & Mladinic, 1989;Glick, Wilkerson, & Cuffe, 2015), and the same applies to men (Rudman & Mescher, 2013;.…”

Section: Backlash Effects Sexism and Social Rolesmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…gender roles and personality characteristics typical for men and women) (Deaux & Lewis, 1984). Female gender roles are connected with focusing on interpersonal bonds, providing emotional support, taking care of children, and managing the house, whereas male gender roles are centred around financial decision making and being breadwinners (Liberska & Matuszewska, 2006;Moss-Racusin & Rudman, 2010;Rudman, Moss-Racusin, Phelan, & Nauts, 2012;. A lot of research suggests that gender stereotypes are deeply rooted and resistant to change (Biernat, 1991;Diekman, Goodfriend, & Goodwin, 2004), which, for example, is associated with the fact that the process of acquiring gender stereotypes starts at an early stage of development and takes place almost simultaneously with the process of acquiring knowledge about biological sex -recognising it and later associating it with appearance, behaviours and features (Biernat, 1991;Kosakowska, 2004).…”

mentioning

confidence: 99%

"Daughter and son: a completely different story”? Gender as a moderator of the relationship between sexism and parental attitudes

Lipowska¹,

Lipowski²,

Pawlicka³

2016

Health Psychology Report

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health psychology report · volume 4(3), 6 original article background During childhood, parents are the first and most important individuals who form the base of the content of gender stereotypes in children. A parent's expectations about the extent a child's behaviour should be line with gender stereotypes also depends on the intensity of a parent's sexism. A parent's sexism may be exhibited in parental attitudes. Hence, in our study we analysed the relationship between parental ambivalent sexism and parental attitudes within dyads of mothers and fathers with a special focus on the role of the gender of both parents and children. participants and procedureTwo hundred and ninety-four couples of parents of fiveyear-olds (153 girls, 141 boys) participated. The Ambivalent Sexism Inventory (ASI) was used to measure levels of sexism, and the Parental Attitudes Scale (SPR) was used to assess parental attitudes. resultsIn terms of the profile of parental attitudes, regardless of the child's sex, mothers and fathers scored highest for inconsequent and demanding attitudes, and lowest for overprotective and autonomy attitudes. The child's sex is also not important for the overall levels of parents' sexism -fathers exhibit higher levels of hostile sexism in comparison to mothers. Only the mothers' education level is important for levels of sexism -women with higher education exhibited the lowest levels of hostile sexism. The child's sex moderates relationships between parents' sexism and parental attitudes. In the case of mothers of sons, the intensity of benevolent sexism is negatively related to overprotective and demanding attitudes. The more educated the mothers of sons, the more demanding they were. For fathers of sons, the inconsequence attitude increases under the influence of both hostile and benevolent sexism. Among fathers of daughters, hostile sexism strengthens the overprotective attitude, while levels of both benevolent and hostile sexism as well as education influence the autonomy attitude. conclusionsThe gender of both the parents and the child moderates the relationship between sexism and parental attitudes. The role of sexism in shaping the attitude of mothers towards sons is the most prominent -it seems that it guards the 'manliness' of young boys.

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Status incongruity and backlash effects: Defending the gender hierarchy motivates prejudice against female leaders

Cited by 835 publications

References 48 publications

Segregation, Stereotypes, and STEM

Segregation, Stereotypes, and STEM

The communality-bonus effect for male transformational leaders – leadership style, gender, and promotability

"Daughter and son: a completely different story”? Gender as a moderator of the relationship between sexism and parental attitudes

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