Stem-final obstruent variation in Korean

Jun, Jongho

doi:10.1007/s10831-010-9058-8

Cited by 20 publications

(15 citation statements)

References 18 publications

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“…We return to these questions in section 6. Finally, we note that our data is also consistent with Jun's (2010) In sum, our speakers exhibit a striking connection between the tonal and segmental inflection for the monosyllabic coronal stems. A shift from the conservative (orthographic standard) segmental inflection to the innovative one (principally in -s) significantly correlates with a shift from the etymologically expected H(L) inflection to H(H).…”

Section: Accent In Coronal Coda Nounssupporting

confidence: 89%

“…* A preliminary version of this paper was presented as a poster at the 87th Annual Meeting of the Linguistic Various researchers (Albright 2002a, 2008, Kang 2003, Ito 2010, Jun 2010, Sohn 2012 have observed that the alternation between [-t ̚ ] and -t, -t h , -c, -c h , -s is unstable in nouns and many speakers substitute a consonant different from the one that is etymologically expected (and typically also reflected in the orthography). Among the -t, -t h , -c, -c h , -s alternants, -s is the most common substitute.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Confidence is a composite of both type and token frequency. The confidence-based interpretation of the Korean coronal stems has been extended by Jun (2010) to account for variations in the next two most frequent coronal stem alternants -c h and -t h on the basis of the particular inflectional suffix. His major finding is that -t h tends to be chosen before the dative/locative suffixese(səә), while -c h is preferred before suffixes beginning with -ɨ, such as the accusative -il and topic marker -in.…”

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confidence: 99%

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The base of Korean noun paradigms

Ito

Kenstowicz

2014

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This paper reports and analyzes the tonal patterns that emerge in South Kyengsang monosyllabic nouns that exhibit two well-known analogical changes in stem shape, one involving coronal obstruent codas and the other stems with an underlying cluster. By the first change, underlying and orthographic /nac h / 'face' inflects as nat ̚ , nac h -il (conservative) or nas-il (innovative); and by the second underlying /talk/ 'chicken' inflects as tak ̚ , talk-il (conservative) or tak-il (innovative). We find that many such nouns with a high-low tonal pattern change to high-high when inflected with the segmentally innovative stem. We propose that this tonal change supports the model of Korean noun paradigms proposed in Albright (2008) and Do (2013) in which the citation form serves as the base for the construction of the suffixed forms. If the base is a neutralization site, then learners select the alternant in which they have the greatest confidence of scoring a correct hit when undoing the neutralization.

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Section: Accent In Coronal Coda Nounssupporting

confidence: 89%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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confidence: 99%

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The base of Korean noun paradigms

Ito

Kenstowicz

2014

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“…This /s/ appearance also happens in loanword adaptation patterns of English words ending with /t/ and /d/. For example, English words pyramid and internet will be borrowed as /p h iramis/ (Albright, 2008;Ito, 2010;Jun, 2010;Jun & Lee, 2007;Kang & Kim, 2004cited by Jun, 2010Sohn, 2001) point out that /s/ is the most frequent word final obstruent of Korean nouns, whereas /t/ occurs very rarely. For instance, Albright (2008) reports that among the 8,108 obstruent-final nouns in the Sejong Project corpus 11 there are 375 /s/ending nouns compared to only 1 /t/-ending noun.…”

Section: Effects Of Neutralizationmentioning

confidence: 95%

Perceptual category mapping between English and Korean obstruents in non-CV positions: Prosodic location effects in second language identification skills

Park

Jong

2017

Journal of Phonetics

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This study examines the degree to which mapping patterns between native language (L1) and second language (L2) categories for one prosodic context will generalize to other prosodic contexts, and how position-specific neutralization in the L1 influences the category mappings. Forty L1-Korean learners of English listened to English nonsense words consisting of /p b t d f v θ ð/ and /ɑ/, with the consonants appearing in pre-stressed intervocalic, post-stressed intervocalic, or coda context, and were asked to identify the consonant with both Korean and English labeling and to give gradient evaluations of the goodness of each label to the stimuli. Results show that the mapping patterns differ extensively from those found previously with the same subjects for consonants in initial, onset context. The mapping patterns for the intervocalic context also differed by position with respect to stress location. Coda consonants elicited poor goodness-of-fit and noisier mapping patterns for all segments, suggesting that an L1 coda neutralization process put all L2-English sounds in codas as "new" sounds under the Speech Learning Model (SLM) framework (Flege, 1995). Taken together, the results indicate that consonant learning needs to be evaluated in terms of position-by-position variants, rather than just being a general property of the overall consonant systems.

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“…In addition, when speakers are asked to judge the acceptability of novel forms, they should have gradient well-formedness intuitions that correlate with statistical trends in the lexicon. This frequency matching prediction has been confirmed in numerous studies of unpredictable allomorphy, including Zuraw (2000Zuraw ( , 2002Zuraw ( , 2007Zuraw ( , 2010, Albright, Andrade & Hayes (2001), Bybee (2001), Albright (2002a, b), Albright & Hayes (2003), Ernestus & Baayen (2003), Hayes & Londe (2006), Jun & Lee (2007), Becker (2009), Jun (2010 and others.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 53%

Speakers’ knowledge of alternations is asymmetrical: Evidence from Seoul Korean verb paradigms

Jun

Albright

2016

J. Ling.

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This paper investigates whether and how speakers track the relative frequency of different patterns of alternation in the lexicon, by investigating speakers' behavior when they are faced with unpredictability in allomorph selection. We conducted a wug test on Seoul Korean verb paradigms, testing whether speakers can generalize reliable lexical patterns. The test was performed in two directions. In forward formation test, the pre-vocalic base and pre-consonantal non-base forms were the stimulus and response, respectively, whereas in backward formation test, the stimulus-response relation was switched. The results show patterns approximating statistical patterns in Seoul Korean verb lexicon, thus confirming the lexical frequency matching reported in many previous studies. However, contrary to the conventional assumption, the results of the backward formation test are consistent with lexical frequencies relevant for the forward formation, not backward formation. This observed asymmetry is broadly consistent with the single base hypothesis (Albright 2002a(Albright , b, 2005(Albright , 2008, in which forward, as opposed to backward formation rules play a privileged role in speakers' morphological grammar. KEYWORDS: allomorph selection, alternation, Seoul Korean, single base hypothesis, wug test[1] We would like to thank Edward Flemming, Michael Kenstowicz, Donca Steriade and the three anonymous Journal of Linguistics referees for their valuable suggestions and detailed comments. This paper has also benefited from comments and advice of many other people. We thank

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Stem-final obstruent variation in Korean

Abstract: It has been observed in the literature that stem-final coronal obstruents of nouns in In addition, a wug-test is carried out to investigate the productivity of the rules.Results suggest that these rules are productive, providing the evidence for the cognitive presence of the rules.2

Cited by 20 publications

References 18 publications

The base of Korean noun paradigms

The base of Korean noun paradigms

Perceptual category mapping between English and Korean obstruents in non-CV positions: Prosodic location effects in second language identification skills

Speakers’ knowledge of alternations is asymmetrical: Evidence from Seoul Korean verb paradigms

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