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Introduction. The choice of Korea and Türkiye to analyze the behavior model within the framework of the changing international order is primarily due to such facts as maintaining close ties with Washington since their formation and their reference to each other as “brothers in blood”. Nevertheless, the historical paradigm of building the foreign policies has shown that there are some common directions that should be marked as “brotherhood in spirit”. The comparative analysis given in the article identifies the modern behavioral models of “the land of morning calm” and the Republic of Türkiye towards a changing geopolitical reality. The purpose of the study is to analyze the common points of intersection in the political processes of the two republics from the moment of their formation to the present days, also to identify the role of the “middle powers” during the Ukrainian crisis. Materials and Methods. The methods of induction and deduction, the method of content analysis, the method of comparison and analysis, and the statistical method as well as the civilizational approach were used in the research process. Due to the methods used, the authors of the article have managed to conduct a comparative analysis in these planes. The information base was made up of materials presented in news sources, statistical materials of international organizations, publications of scientists and experts. Results. A comprehensive country comparative analysis of states’ foreign policy trends in the XX and XXI centuries has been carried out, as well as their interaction with the “West” and the “westernization” of their course at the present stage – “brotherhood in spirit”. Also, the researchers have carried out main conclusions on their role of middle powers and regional actors due to the ongoing tectonic shifts in the international paradigm. Discussion and Сonclusion. Analyzing their “brotherhood in spirit” during the Ukrainian events, it is noted that Türkiye, in comparison with Korea, pursues a more independent course from the West, taking into account its own interests, while both are characterized by a “two-track” policy. Both states are taking a wait-and-see position in the conditions of the emerging political conjuncture of global interaction. The practical significance of the work is the analysis of the behavior of two countries – Korea and Türkiye – as “middle powers” in a changing world order. The obtained results can contribute to further study the role of this type of state in the “West–non-West” relationship.
Introduction. The choice of Korea and Türkiye to analyze the behavior model within the framework of the changing international order is primarily due to such facts as maintaining close ties with Washington since their formation and their reference to each other as “brothers in blood”. Nevertheless, the historical paradigm of building the foreign policies has shown that there are some common directions that should be marked as “brotherhood in spirit”. The comparative analysis given in the article identifies the modern behavioral models of “the land of morning calm” and the Republic of Türkiye towards a changing geopolitical reality. The purpose of the study is to analyze the common points of intersection in the political processes of the two republics from the moment of their formation to the present days, also to identify the role of the “middle powers” during the Ukrainian crisis. Materials and Methods. The methods of induction and deduction, the method of content analysis, the method of comparison and analysis, and the statistical method as well as the civilizational approach were used in the research process. Due to the methods used, the authors of the article have managed to conduct a comparative analysis in these planes. The information base was made up of materials presented in news sources, statistical materials of international organizations, publications of scientists and experts. Results. A comprehensive country comparative analysis of states’ foreign policy trends in the XX and XXI centuries has been carried out, as well as their interaction with the “West” and the “westernization” of their course at the present stage – “brotherhood in spirit”. Also, the researchers have carried out main conclusions on their role of middle powers and regional actors due to the ongoing tectonic shifts in the international paradigm. Discussion and Сonclusion. Analyzing their “brotherhood in spirit” during the Ukrainian events, it is noted that Türkiye, in comparison with Korea, pursues a more independent course from the West, taking into account its own interests, while both are characterized by a “two-track” policy. Both states are taking a wait-and-see position in the conditions of the emerging political conjuncture of global interaction. The practical significance of the work is the analysis of the behavior of two countries – Korea and Türkiye – as “middle powers” in a changing world order. The obtained results can contribute to further study the role of this type of state in the “West–non-West” relationship.
The article gives a tentative analysis of factors impacting the domestic and foreign policy of the Republic of Korea amid the growing confrontation between the “global West” spearheaded by the U.S. and the “global East” led by Russia and China. While the conflict between Washington and Beijing is being escalated, the South Korean leadership is likely to find itself in a precarious situation where it has to make a choice between its main economic partner and theideological overlord in terms of value orientation and security . Understanding the upcoming political course of Seoul, especially in light of the conflict over Taiwan, is of great scientific value and is important for applied international relations studies. Based on the analysis of the main trends of global turbulence and regional security, the authors propose a scenario prognosis developed on the basis of situational analysis and author’s modeling techniques , which would include both the general trends of the country’s foreign policy and the level of potential involvement of South Korea into a probable conflict between the U.S. and China in the Taiwan Strait. It is also worth noting that the most evident outcome will be the preserved alliance with Washington which is closer to South Korea when it comes to its social and political values and a gradual deterioration in relations with China, the speed of which may vary. However, the authors conclude by saying that Seoul will go to great lengths to postpone this uneasy choice and will try to distance itself from direct participation in a military conflict.
This paper analyzes the Islam’s impact on the Malaysian politics. Islam as an instrument of Malaysia’s foreign policy has been used by the political elite of the state for decades. Observers note the Islamization of the country’s foreign policy, especially during the premiership of Najib Razak (2008– 2018). However, the trend towards Islamization can be traced back to the moment Malaysia gained independence from Great Britain in 1957 and especially during the premiership of Mahathir Mohamad (1981–2003). The formation of such a foreign policy of Malaysia took place against the background of the Islamization of the political and social environment within the country, which, in turn, was the result of an internal political struggle. Thus, the projection of Malaysia’s identity into the outside world and the foreign policy corresponding to this identity was often motivated by the need to retain or attract the support of the malay-muslim majority in the domestic political arena. Since many of the issues raised in the article relate to identity both at the national and global level, a constructivist paradigm is used to conceptualize Malaysia’s foreign policy with a special emphasis on the identity of states. Particularly important in this process is the formation of domestic and foreign policy discourse. Malaysia’s Islamic identity is viewed externally in three dimensions: the Sunni state, the activist state in the Islamic world and the standard of moderate Islam. Consideration of these dimensions reveals quite obvious contradictions between them, as well as between rhetoric and real politics.
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