Strategic Points, Flexible Lines, Tense Surfaces, Political Volumes: Ariel Sharon and the Geometry of Occupation

Weizman, Eyal

doi:10.1111/j.0031-806x.2004.00171.x

Cited by 36 publications

(21 citation statements)

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“…They show how spatial-political policies led to a de facto annexation of these territories. Similarly, Weizman (2004) and Weizman and Lein (2002) focus on the developmental aspect of Israel's strategy in the Occupied Territories. They argue that the Israeli strategy in the Occupied Territories centers on three-dimensional control over the totality of space: infrastructure, the environment, and sub-and above-surface domains-a combination which orchestrates a "politics of verticality" using planning and architecture.…”

Section: Spatiality and The Israeli-palestinian Conflictmentioning

confidence: 99%

Spatial Alternatives and Counter-Sovereignties in Israel/Palestine

Gazit

Latham

2014

Int Polit Sociol

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The securitization of the spaces of Israeli-Palestinian interaction, from checkpoints to the West Bank Separation Wall, continues to intensify and receive attention from journalists, scholars, and activists. Understandably, the focus is on the negative consequences of existing spatial configurations. Receiving far less attention is the development of alternative spatial formations which might advance forms of "desecuritization," especially in those spaces that are crucial hinges of IsraeliPalestinian interaction (Jerusalem and other mixed cities, the Wall, the Green Line, roads). This article explores whether alternative ways of using, organizing, experiencing, and coexisting in space-especially at the micro level-hold out promise for helping to reframe significant dimensions of Israeli-Palestinian interaction. It seeks to better understand whether disjointed forms of sovereignty that appear-or disappear -across the occupation can be met by counter-sovereignties; whether new spatial counter-realities can be articulated through everyday life; and whether forms of agency, especially contestation, can reset understandings of, and perspectives on, spaces. A range of examples are considered within Jerusalem, mixed cities, the occupied Palestinian territories and at the border, bearing on religious sites, healthcare, gentrification, security infrastructure, popular protest, and festivals.The securitization and Judaization (Yiftachel 1999) of the spaces of IsraeliPalestinian interaction-from checkpoints to the Separation Wall in the West Bank-are intensifying and receiving increasing attention from critical geographers and other social scientists (Harker 2010). The focus is mostly on the profoundly negative consequences of spatial configurations associated, in particular, with the occupation (Ophir, Givoni, and Hanafi 2009). Receiving far less attention is the existence and possibilities of spatial forms, practices, and understandings that might advance desecuritization and de-subjugation, particularly those within the crucial hinges in Israeli-Palestinian interaction (for example, 1 Authors' notes: Authors are listed in alphabetical order. They would like to thank the IPS editors and anonymous reviewers for their very helpful comments.

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Section: Spatiality and The Israeli-palestinian Conflictmentioning

confidence: 99%

Spatial Alternatives and Counter-Sovereignties in Israel/Palestine

Gazit

Latham

2014

Int Polit Sociol

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“…The spread of gated communities, privately owned and patrolled malls and parks, fee-based recreational and leisure spaces, sequestered tourist zones, forti¢ed business complexes ('citadelization'), and the creeping commercialization and suburbanization of land are telling signs of the erosion of urban public space encouraged by the incitement of urban fears (Abaza, 2006;Blakely and Snyder, 1997;Denis, 2006;Marcuse, 2003). In extreme cases, streets can be militarized or become battlegrounds regulated by checkpoints and military patrols, cordoned o¡ by fences or walls, subject to surveillance cameras, or zoned to deny ordinary citizens' access (Lyons, 2003;Misselwitz and Rieniets, 2006;Sorkin, 2003;Warren, 2003;Weizman, 2003). Different street topographies shape the 'habitus' of the self and its disposition towards others.…”

Section: Hamra a Neighborhood In Beirutmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Politics of Cosmopolitan Beirut

Seidman¹

2012

Theory, Culture & Society

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This essay addresses the intersection of 'urban topography' and history in shaping the contours of the self and encounters with 'the other'. It is based on field research in primarily one neighborhood of Beirut -Hamra. Whereas almost all neighborhoods in Beirut are dominated by one sect, Hamra is considered to be the most secular, diverse, and cosmopolitan area in this city. It is the home of several international universities and has nourished a robust public culture. Based on countless hours of observation and conversations as well as formal interviews with dozens of residents, shop owners, and intellectuals, I explore the dynamics of belonging and exclusion in a neighborhood that is imagined as the exemplar of a cosmopolitan culture. In the first section of the essay, I sketch a typology of street cultures, suggesting connections to forms of selfhood. I argue that Hamra's urban topography, in con junction with Beirut's post-civil war history, has formed a self that is not disposed toward open engagement with the other. In the second part of the essay, I analyze patterns of social difference in Hamra, exploring the shape of gender, sexual, and ethnic differences. I consider which differences 'coalesce' and what form this takes as well as patterns of incorporation and exclusion. In the third part of the essay, the meaning of cosmopolitanism in an urban context is examined. I explore the notion of cosmopolitanism as a rhetoric of nationalism against both sectarian and Arab nationalism. Finally, in the last section I argue that the confessional basis of power in Lebanon helps explain

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“…Perhaps Iraq therefore embodies something of a new postdevelopment world marked by sharply divided zones of differential sovereign power, prisons, contractors, speeding armoured vehicles, privateers, compradors and insurgents (Chatterjee, 2004;Parenti, 2004;Bjork and Jones, 2005). Though anticipated and paralleled in the barriers, barricades and ongoing blockades around and across the Palestinian territories (Weizman, 2004;Falah, 2005), it bears remembering that such a world bears a resemblance to the epoch that preceded 'national development': that of colonial cantons, entrepôts, plantations, 9 enclaves, lands and peoples 'beyond the Pale'. And therefore, if, after Hardt and Negri (2000: xi), 'Empire is materializing before our very eyes', we might find it coalescing around bounded reinscriptions of development.…”

Section: Conclusion: the Futures Of Postdevelopmentmentioning

confidence: 99%

Spaces of postdevelopment

Sidaway

2007

Progress in Human Geography

136

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This paper reviews writings about postdevelopment. It argues that critical scrutiny of the contemporary reconfiguring of postcolonial sovereignties provides a productive route to rethink the geographies of development and postdevelopment. The relationship of development narratives to reconfigurations of imperialism and postcolonialism produces a complex geography of development and postdevelopment that defies neat summary, but which demands more sustained attention to the interactions of enclosure, boundaries and subjectivities.

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Strategic Points, Flexible Lines, Tense Surfaces, Political Volumes: Ariel Sharon and the Geometry of Occupation

Cited by 36 publications

References 0 publications

Spatial Alternatives and Counter-Sovereignties in Israel/Palestine

Spatial Alternatives and Counter-Sovereignties in Israel/Palestine

The Politics of Cosmopolitan Beirut

Spaces of postdevelopment

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