Stratification of Women's Sport in Contemporary China

Abstract

Since economic reform in the 1980s, Chinese sport has undergone an extraordinary transformation. The most distinguishing phenomenon is the rapid growth of mass sport at the grassroots level with increasing demands for physical activities in women's daily lives. The rapid growth of women's sports participation at the grassroots is deeply embedded in the process of social stratification as a result of the urbanisation of Chinese society. The purpose of this paper is to use the socialist, feminist and theoretical framework to explore how Chinese women's different economic, educational, domestic and cultural situations shape their sports values and patterns of participation, marking social boundaries in Chinese urban communities. Semi-structured interviews and observations were conducted with 60 female physical exercisers in sports clubs, parks and neighbourhood playgrounds. Documentary research was also applied as a complement method to the interview. The findings indicate that within different classes (middle class, working class and a group who were unemployed), many different opportunities for and limitations on women to participate in sport are noticed. Chinese women have not fully and equally utilised sports opportunities created by urbanisation. Most Chinese women still live within patriarchal arrangements. Consequently, they do not completely fulfil their ambitions in sport.

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“…Xiong (2011) provides a comprehensive overview of women’s sport in contemporary China, highlighting three key issues of importance to this paper. First, she notes that since the Beijing Olympics China has adopted a focus on sport for all, which, she argues, created an upsurge in interest for women to engage in physical activity as part of their daily lives (Xiong, 2011).…”

“…Xiong (2011) provides a comprehensive overview of women’s sport in contemporary China, highlighting three key issues of importance to this paper. First, she notes that since the Beijing Olympics China has adopted a focus on sport for all, which, she argues, created an upsurge in interest for women to engage in physical activity as part of their daily lives (Xiong, 2011). Second, Xiong (2011) notes that sports associations receive very little government funding (Xiong, 2011), and, third, that inequalities and institutional discrimination continue to influence the provision of women’s sport (Xiong, 2014).…”

“…First, she notes that since the Beijing Olympics China has adopted a focus on sport for all, which, she argues, created an upsurge in interest for women to engage in physical activity as part of their daily lives (Xiong, 2011). Second, Xiong (2011) notes that sports associations receive very little government funding (Xiong, 2011), and, third, that inequalities and institutional discrimination continue to influence the provision of women’s sport (Xiong, 2014). Xiong (2014) makes no comment on girls and women’s engagements with sports such as skateboarding, roller derby or surfing – those sports often grouped together as ‘subcultural’ or ‘alternative’ sports (Atkinson and Young, 2008).…”

“…It allowed Casey to engage in a non-traditional sport and, as such, reflected the rise of the range of sports that were challenging male-dominated traditions (Xiong, 2014). Xiong (2011) also points out that middle-class women in China have also used sport in small ways to challenge gendered constraints, at the same time as their activities are still dictated by a range of patriarchal restrictions.…”

“…The lack of funding (Xiong, 2011) and entrenched gender inequalities in relation to the provision of facilities for women to engage in sport outside of schools or elite competition created a significant barrier for local sustainability. Tanya related an incident that captured these difficulties.…”