Stress and Tone in the Phonology of Diuxi Mixtec

Pike, Eunice V.; Oram, Joy

doi:10.1159/000259780

Cited by 11 publications

(13 citation statements)

References 1 publication

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“…In the Amazonian language Pirah±, each syllable is specified for tone, but, independently, there is also stress, predictable on the basis of syllable weight (Everett 1998). Lexical tone contrast in combination with fixed stress has been reported for a number of languages, including Diuxi Mixtec (Pike & Oram 1976) 13 and several Bantu languages (Downing, to appear). To the best of our knowledge, Curaçao Papiamentu is the only language that combines a privative tone contrast with lexically distinctive stress.…”

Section: Hybrid Word-prosodic Systemsmentioning

confidence: 97%

Stress, tone and discourse prominence in the Curaçao dialect of Papiamentu

Remijsen

Heuven

2005

Phonology

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This paper investigates the word-prosodic system of the Curaçao dialect of Papiamentu. Curaçao Papiamentu has both lexically distinctive stress and, independently, a word-level tone contrast. On the basis of a detailed acoustic investigation of this tonal contrast, we propose a privative phonological interpretation of the tone contrast, similar to proposals for the Scandinavian word-accent systems (Riad 1998, to appear). As compared to previous treatments of Curaçao Papiamentu word prosody, our hypothesis makes crucial reference to intonation and to tonal underspecification. We also investigate the realisation of primary and secondary stress in Curaçao Papiamentu.

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Section: Hybrid Word-prosodic Systemsmentioning

confidence: 97%

Stress, tone and discourse prominence in the Curaçao dialect of Papiamentu

Remijsen

Heuven

2005

Phonology

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“…The main differences in the consonant inventories across Mixtec languages are found within their fricatives. Diuxi and Huajuapan Mixtec each have six fricatives (Pike & Cowan 1967, Pike & Oram 1976, while most other variants have three or four fricatives. 7 Yoloxóchitl Mixtec contrasts only two fricatives: /s5 / and /S/.…”

Section: Fricativesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Phonetic structure in Yoloxóchitl Mixtec consonants

DiCanio¹,

Zhang²,

Whalen³

et al. 2019

Journal of the International Phonetic Association

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While Mixtec languages are well-known for their tonal systems, there remains relatively little work focusing on their consonant inventories. This paper provides an in-depth phonetic description of the consonant system of the Yoloxóchitl Mixtec language (Oto-Manguean, ISO 639-3 code xty), a Guerrero Mixtec variety. The language possesses a number of contrasts common among Mixtec languages, such as voiceless unaspirated stops, prenasalized stops, and a strong tendency for words to conform to a minimally bimoraic structure. Using a controlled set of data, we focus on how WORD SIZE and WORD POSITION influence the acoustic properties of different consonant types. We examine closure duration, VOT, and formant transitions with the stop series, spectral moments with the fricative series, the timing between oral and nasal closure with the prenasalized stop series, and both formant transitions and qualitative variability with the glide series. The general effect of WORD SIZE is discussed in relation to work on POLYSYLLABIC SHORTENING

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“…According to Pike & Oram (1976), a second unpredictable stress occurs on the second syllable of some, but not all, stems in Diuxi Mixtec -specifically on those for which a final *? In the Mixtec dialects/languages stems are generally disyllabic (' couplets '), with stress on their first syllable.…”

Section: Phoneticsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Word-prosodic typology

2006

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Numerous proposals have been advanced as to how prosodic systems should be typologised. In this paper I distinguish two prototype systems, tone and stress accent, which, unlike systems analysed as ' pitch accent', have two inviolable, definitional properties : (i) obligatoriness (every word has at least one stress accent) ; (ii) syllable-dependency (the stress-bearing unit is necessarily the syllable). In contrast, the oft-cited criterion of culminativity (every word has at most one tone/accent) not only includes tone/accent systems that are neither obligatory nor syllable-dependent, but also culminative non-prosodic features that are clearly not accentual. I argue that there is no one pitch-accent prototype. Instead, since tone and stress accent may co-occur, and since languages may ' pick and choose ' between the non-definitional properties that tend to cluster within the tone vs. stress-accent prototypes, there is a range of intermediate (and possibly indeterminate) word-prosodic systems which may or may not be best seen as ' types '. If stress is monarchic, and length oligarchic, we may say that tone is democratic. (Greenberg & Kaschube 1976 : 9) * This paper was first presented as an invited talk at the conference Between Stress and Tone (BeST). I would like to thank Bert Remijsen and Vincent van Heuven for the invitation and those in attendance for their helpful comments. I have particularly profited from extended discussions with Carlos Gussenhoven and José Hualde on the tone vs. accent question and good Bantu exchanges with David Odden and Gérard Philippson. I also would like to thank the editors and anonymous reviewers for their very thoughtful comments on the original manuscript.

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Stress and Tone in the Phonology of Diuxi Mixtec

Cited by 11 publications

References 1 publication

Stress, tone and discourse prominence in the Curaçao dialect of Papiamentu

Stress, tone and discourse prominence in the Curaçao dialect of Papiamentu

Phonetic structure in Yoloxóchitl Mixtec consonants

Word-prosodic typology

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