Strong Personalities’ Impact on Hungarian Party Politics: Viktor Orbán and Gábor Vona

Metz, Rudolf; Oross, Dániel

doi:10.1007/978-3-030-32025-6_7

Cited by 11 publications

(5 citation statements)

References 18 publications

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“…Viktor Orbán is seen as the key political figure of FIDESZ. Metz and Oross (2020) support the argument made by the Czech political scientist Hloušek that Hungarian politics is the most typical example of personalisation and presidentialisation among the countries of Eastern-Central Europe. As a result, Metz and Oross support Pakulski & Körösényi's (2012) thesis that there is a "leader democracy" in Hungary.…”

Section: The Political Party Landscape In Hungarysupporting

confidence: 70%

Viktor Orbán’s Missing Affinity Towards Alternative Media on Facebook

Rétfalvi¹

2022

10.14746/ssp

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The paper finds no liked pages by Viktor Orbán, then the Prime Minister of Hungary, on his Facebook page. Further content analysis is needed, which may help unravel the deeper connections with alternative news sites. This finding begs for alternative explanations. Was it due to a lack of interest or a need? The capture of most news media in Hungary may suggest that this might have been a plausible answer. Or was it due to a lack of time? We could identify a specific form of allocution when Orbán’s FB page became a central information source for news outlets. Be that as it may, this negative finding is important for the political communication theory on social media. Populist or right-wing leaders may not publicly indicate interest or affinity to any alternative media, especially when a few alternative media may oppose their policies. Moreover, a lack of interest in public liking of other sources or institutions close to a politician may indirectly suggest contempt for them – ultimately suggesting anti-plurality and authoritarian tendencies. Finally, although Hungary may be seen as a laboratory of alternative politics, this is certainly not true for using alternative or advanced approaches to communication on social media.

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Section: The Political Party Landscape In Hungarysupporting

confidence: 70%

Viktor Orbán’s Missing Affinity Towards Alternative Media on Facebook

Rétfalvi¹

2022

10.14746/ssp

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“…The popular support for the ruling socialist-liberal coalition was eroded due to a four-year-long domestic political crisis that was caused by a leaked speech in which socialist PM Ferenc Gyurcsány admitted to lying during the electoral campaign, the cabinet’s austerity measures, the recurrent corruption scandals, and the global financial crisis. After 2006, the Hungarian electorate showed not only a clear shift to the right but also an identity/partisanship-based polarisation (Patkós, 2022) and a solid need for strong leadership (Hloušek, 2015; Metz and Oross, 2020). The picture of the Hungarian electorate is also nuanced by recent findings: while the populist worldview is widespread in society (Krekó, 2021), direct political participation and civic engagement remain low (Kostadinova and Kmetty, 2019).…”

Section: The Research Contextmentioning

confidence: 99%

An insatiable hunger for charisma? A follower-centric analysis of populism and charismatic leadership

Metz

Plesz

2023

Leadership

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While scholarship often assumes that strong leaders and charismatic leadership play an important role in the emergence of populist politics, research has missed a closer exploration of charisma attribution to populists. Addressing this charismatic leadership hypothesis requires populism and charisma to be analysed from the followers’ perspective. This article takes a unique look at the social-psychological dynamics behind populism. Using quantitative survey data that was collected from Hungarian voters ( N = 1200), this article examines the relationship between populist attitudes as follower characteristics in modern politics and charisma attribution. To reveal how a populist worldview can affect the follower’s expectations and perceptions, we break charisma attribution down into three phases: (1) the general hunger for charisma (the romance of leadership); (2) perceptions of charismatic behaviour of the top candidates in the 2022 Hungarian parliamentary elections (i.e., Viktor Orbán and Péter Márki-Zay); and (3) emotional attachment to these leaders. Our findings show that populism makes people more hungry for charisma and more sensitive to recognising charismatic behaviour but does not necessarily create an emotional bond with specific leaders. This article also sheds light on some directions of future research to explore other distinctive characteristics of populist followers that can influence social constructions of charismatic leadership. The limitations and implications are also discussed.

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“…It was symbolised by changing the party name from Fidesz-Hungarian Civic Party to Fidesz-Hungarian Civic Alliance, integrating the right-wing political spectrum. Orbán's leadership was also crucial to create, develop and stabilise Fidesz on organisational and ideological levels (Metz & Oross, 2020). This transformation presented the most evident shifts in the process of personalisation and presidentialisation in Hungary and East-Central Europe (Hloušek, 2015).…”

Section: Between Personal and Cartel Partymentioning

confidence: 99%

“Mass,” “Movement,” “Personal,” or “Cartel” Party? Fidesz’s Hybrid Organisational Strategy

Metz

Várnagy

2021

PaG

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In the last decade, Fidesz has dominated the Hungarian political landscape, becoming the most extensive Hungarian party organisation in terms of party members, structuration, resources, and influence. The party’s organisational development has been determined by a constant strategic adaptation to new circumstances of political reality and new demands of the electorate. The article argues that in three phases of its development, Fidesz adopted different party organisation guidelines. As a result, a hybrid party architecture was formed involving various characteristics and strategies of mass parties (e.g., relatively large membership and ideological communication), movement parties (i.e., top-down generation of mass rallies and protest activities), personal parties (i.e., personalisation, centralisation of party leadership), and cartel parties (i.e., use of state resources, control over party competition). Instead of switching from one strategy to another, the party often used these strategies simultaneously. This flexible party organisation can balance among the different needs of effective governance, constant mobilisation, and popular sovereignty. The article aims to dissect these building blocks of Fidesz to gain insight into the emergence of the hybrid party model.

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Strong Personalities’ Impact on Hungarian Party Politics: Viktor Orbán and Gábor Vona

Cited by 11 publications

References 18 publications

Viktor Orbán’s Missing Affinity Towards Alternative Media on Facebook

Viktor Orbán’s Missing Affinity Towards Alternative Media on Facebook

An insatiable hunger for charisma? A follower-centric analysis of populism and charismatic leadership

“Mass,” “Movement,” “Personal,” or “Cartel” Party? Fidesz’s Hybrid Organisational Strategy

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