Strong presidents and weak institutions: populism in Turkey, Venezuela and Ecuador

Selçuk, Orçun

doi:10.1080/14683857.2016.1242893

Cited by 98 publications

(22 citation statements)

References 45 publications

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“…4 See e.g. Hale (2016, p. 24), Corrales (2011), Levitsky and Loxton (2013), Esen and Gumuscu (2016), Selçuk (2016), Batory (2016), and Magyar (2016). 5 Among many others, see Connolly (2017), Frum (2018), Galston (2018), Levitsky and Ziblatt (2018), Klaas (2017), Foa and Mounk (2017), Mounk (2018), Sunstein (2018), and Snyder (2017).…”

Section: Disciplinary Blinkersmentioning

confidence: 99%

Das Krisenexperiment. Donald Trump und die normativen Grundlagen der Demokratie

Schedler

2019

Z Vgl Polit Wiss

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Is US president Donald Trump a threat to democracy? Alerting against his manifold transgressions of democratic norms, many comparative political scientists have thought so. Their practical worries, however, have been inconsistent with prevalent theories of democratic stability. As careful examination shows, his main democratic norm violations have been discursive, and they have revealed him to be, not an ideological enemy of democracy, but a self-centered actor without deep democratic commitments. None of this should ring democratic alarm bells. But it does. As I suggest, Donald Trump has been conducting a kind of sociological "breaching experiment" on the political science community which has exposed a remarkable divergence between our main theories of democratic stability (which focus on structures, political behavior, and self-interest) and our tacit convictions (about the causal relevance of actors, political language, and normative commitments).

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Section: Disciplinary Blinkersmentioning

confidence: 99%

Das Krisenexperiment. Donald Trump und die normativen Grundlagen der Demokratie

Schedler

2019

Z Vgl Polit Wiss

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“…20 Likewise, Orçun Selçuk who analyses populism in Turkey, Venezuela, and Ecuador defines it 'as a political phenomenon in the context of a specific mode of governance'. 21 In our view, such politicist definitions of populism are incomplete as these approaches do not locate populism in the context of deeper, underlying social relations.…”

Section: Defining Populismmentioning

confidence: 97%

Understanding populist politics in Turkey: a hegemonic depth approach

Yalvaç

Joseph

2019

Rev. Int. Stud.

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The aim of this article is to understand populism as a hegemonic project involving a struggle for power between different social forces. We take a critical realist approach in defining populism. This implies several things. We develop a new approach to understanding populist politics by taking neither a purely discursive (Laclau), nor a solely structural (Poulantzas), but a critical realist approach and analysing the three-way relationship between structural conditions, agency, and institutional framework. Second, it implies that populist politics is composed of complex and often contradictory dynamics and emergent features involving mainly domestic but also international processes. We develop this through a combination of three concepts – passive revolution, hegemonic depth, and partial hegemony. These indicate how a hegemonic project is situated in deeper social relations and how hegemonic leadership responds to this. We take the policies of AKP government in Turkey as a case in populist hegemonic project. We demonstrate that AKP has followed different hegemonic projects during its rule changing from an initial majoritarian populist politics to one of neoliberal authoritarian populism as it has consolidated its hegemonic depth. These different populist projects involve alternative visions of Turkey but are nevertheless all compatible with a global neoliberal agenda.

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“…To explore the relationship between populism and CA, I build upon Levitsky and Loxton's study on Latin America (2013), where they demonstrate how populism may represent a catalyst for the emergence of competitive authoritarianism. The adoption of this framework is justified by the similarities among Turkey and Latin American cases, which are highlighted by an increasing body of literature that compares Erdoğan's populism with South American cases (Aytaç and Öniş 2014;Selçuk 2016;Yabanci 2016). However, while these studies are valuable to understand Erdoğan's leadership style, they do not address the connections between populism and the Turkish autocratization, which give us the chance to test on Turkey the explicative capacity of a framework that does exactly that for the same Latin American countries.…”

Section: Populism and Competitive Authoritarianismmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Events like the 1997 'post-modern coup', the closure of the WP by the constitutional court in 1998 or, perhaps even more, Erdoğan's personal experience, 2 had a crucial impact on his choices, convincing him to confront tutelary institutions via more pragmatic strategies (Selçuk 2016) and, hence, leading to a partial karstification of his anti-establishment appeal. In fact, if in 1993 Erdoğan could say that 'there is no room for Kemalism or any other official ideology in Turkey's future' and democracy is 'a vehicle which you ride as far as you want to go and then get off', (Jenkins 2008, 166) in 2001 Erdoğan and AKP' positions became more moderate.…”

Section: Erdoğan As a Peculiar Movement Populistmentioning

confidence: 99%

Populism and competitive authoritarianism in Turkey

Castaldo

2018

Southeast European and Black Sea Studies

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The main goal of this paper is to explain the rise of competitive authoritarianism in Erdoğan's Turkey. The recent literature has mainly focused on the taxonomical debate about the type of regime established by Erdoğan, dealing only rarely with the factors explaining the Turkish autocratization. Building on Levitsky and Loxton's framework, which underlines the catalyst role played by the election of populist leaders for the rise of competitive authoritarianism in Latin America, the analysis identifies the interactions among Erdoğan's populism and threats and opportunities provided by both domestic and international environments as the major cause explaining Turkish autocratization.

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Strong presidents and weak institutions: populism in Turkey, Venezuela and Ecuador

Cited by 98 publications

References 45 publications

Das Krisenexperiment. Donald Trump und die normativen Grundlagen der Demokratie

Das Krisenexperiment. Donald Trump und die normativen Grundlagen der Demokratie

Understanding populist politics in Turkey: a hegemonic depth approach

Populism and competitive authoritarianism in Turkey

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