Structural and Direct Violence

Galtung, Johan; Høivik, Tord

doi:10.1177/002234337100800108

Cited by 144 publications

(28 citation statements)

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“…Interestingly, several of the items associated with social inequities loaded on the Blame Exploitation factor, not on Blame Third World Governments, as we had suggested as an alternative hypothesis. Our results suggest that respondents were sensitive to the structural basis of poverty, the view that poverty is a result of unequal power relations among collectivities within a social system (Blau, 1977;Galtung & Hoivik, 1971), but did not discriminate between inequalities operating globally as opposed to domestically. Both types of exploitation appear to have been perceived as re¯ecting the same basic underlying process.…”

Section: Factor Structurementioning

confidence: 74%

Poverty in developing nations: a cross-cultural attributional analysis

Hine

Montiel

1999

Eur. J. Soc. Psychol.

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A survey of anti-poverty activists and non-activists in Canada and the Philippines was conducted to assess their beliefs about the causes of poverty in developing nations. Principal components analysis revealed that the respondents' poverty attributions could be distinguished along ®ve main dimensions: exploitation, characterological weaknesses of the poor, natural causes, con¯ict, and poor government. Group breakdowns revealed several signi®cant dierences related to respondents' countries of residence and social ideologies. A path analysis suggested that attributions fully mediated the relationship between social ideology and participation in anti-poverty activism.According to a recent Oxfam report (Watson, 1995), one-quarter of the world's population lives in absolute poverty, 35 000 children die each day from malnutrition and preventable diseases, and the gap between rich and poor both within and across nations continues to grow at unprecedented rates. Despite these alarming statistics, the majority of individuals living in auence do little to help the poor in developing nations. This study adopts an attributional perspective in an eort to better understand the cognitive factors that underlie this disturbing trend of neglect and marginalisation of the poor. Three main questions are addressed. What are the main dimensions used by individuals to explain poverty in developing nations? How do these perceptions vary as function of respondents' country of residence and social ideology? And, most importantly, what role, if any, do poverty attributions play in encouraging or discouraging involvement in anti-poverty activism?

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Section: Factor Structurementioning

confidence: 74%

Poverty in developing nations: a cross-cultural attributional analysis

Hine

Montiel

1999

Eur. J. Soc. Psychol.

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“…Structural vulnerability is produced through one’s position within hierarchical political economic and social structures. Building on the idea of structural violence first proposed by Johan Galtung (Galtung, 1969; Galtung & Höivik, 1971) and later popularized by Paul Farmer (Farmer, 2004), James Quesada and colleagues (2011) posit that structural vulnerability invokes not only political economic factors, but an array of cultural and social factors in producing harm and duress. This positioning imposes patterned physical and emotional suffering on specific groups through economic, cultural, class-based, and gendered forms of discrimination that perversely become internalized into the subjectivities of the very groups who are relegated to a depreciated position (Quesada et al, 2011; Rhodes et al, 2011).…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“Eyes that don't see, heart that doesn't feel”: Coping with sex work in intimate relationships and its implications for HIV/STI prevention

Syvertsen

Robertson

Rolón

et al. 2013

Social Science & Medicine

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Partner communication about HIV sexual risk behaviors represents a key area of epidemiologic and social importance in terms of infection acquisition and potential for tailored interventions. Nevertheless, disclosing sexual risk behaviors often presents myriad challenges for marginalized couples who engage in stigmatized behaviors. Using qualitative data from a social epidemiology study of risk for HIV and other sexually transmitted infections (STIs) among female sex workers and their intimate, non-commercial male partners along the Mexico-U.S. border, we examined both partners’ perspectives on sex work and the ways in which couples discussed associated HIV/STI risks in their relationship. Our thematic analysis of individual and joint interviews conducted in 2010 and 2011 with 44 couples suggested that broader contexts of social and economic inequalities profoundly shaped partner perspectives of sex work. Although couples accepted sex work as an economic contribution to the relationship in light of limited alternatives and drug addiction, it exacted an emotional toll on both partners. Couples employed multiple strategies to cope with sex work, including psychologically disconnecting from their situation, telling “little lies,” avoiding the topic, and to a lesser extent, superficially discussing their risks. While such strategies served to protect both partners’ emotional health by upholding illusions of fidelity and avoiding potential conflict, non-disclosure of risk behaviors may exacerbate the potential for HIV/STI acquisition. Our work has direct implications for designing multi-level, couple-based health interventions.

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“…Galtung [43][44][45] describes violence as a triad, where the three components of the triad are (1) structural violence, (2) cultural violence, and (3) direct violence. In this paradigm, direct violence is an event or instance, structural violence is a process, and cultural violence is invariant as it resides within a culture for extensive periods of time.…”

Section: Household-level Surveysmentioning

confidence: 99%

Farmer Perceptions of Conflict Related to Water in Zambia

Marcantonio

Attari

2018

Sustainability

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Abstract:The relationship between climate change, water scarcity, and conflict is still debated. Much of the existing work relating resource scarcity to conflict has involved regional-scale analysis linking instances of violent outbreaks to environmental conditions. But how do individual farmers in Africa define conflict? Do they perceive that conflict will change as a function of water scarcity, and, if so, how? Here, we address these questions by surveying farmers in southern Zambia in 2015, where we asked respondents to define conflict, assessed their perceptions of past and future conflict, as well as perceptions of rainfall and water availability. We find that the majority of our respondents (75%) think of conflict as misunderstandings or disagreements between people and that 91% of our sample has experienced past conflict, 70% expect to experience future conflict, and 58% expect to experience future physical violent conflict. When asked about the sources of conflict, respondents mainly mention land grabbing, crop damage by animals, and politics rather than water related issues. However, we find a significant relationship between perceptions of future rainfall decreasing and future physical violent conflict. These results imply that even though respondents do not think water scarcity is a direct source of conflict, the perception of decreased rain in the future is significantly related to the perception that future conflict and future physical violent conflict will occur.

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Structural and Direct Violence

Cited by 144 publications

References 0 publications

Poverty in developing nations: a cross-cultural attributional analysis

Poverty in developing nations: a cross-cultural attributional analysis

“Eyes that don't see, heart that doesn't feel”: Coping with sex work in intimate relationships and its implications for HIV/STI prevention

Farmer Perceptions of Conflict Related to Water in Zambia

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