Abstract:International audienceThis paper analyzes the structural changes during the Bolivarian revolution in Venezuela, especially regarding the role of the State in production and macroeconomic policies. It examines the institutional changes needed in the transition towards a planned economy and a socialist society. It underlines both the contradictions to be solved after the defeated December 2007 Constitutional Reform referendum, and the urgent necessity of such changes to reach a more egalitarian society
“…The disproportionate prices in the Venezuelan market due to strong state and exchange-rate issues has enticed blackmarketers and hoarders to smuggle them across neighboring borders, particularly Colombia. While black markets were artificially made to raise exchange rates and promote capital flights to reduce production (Nakatani & Herrera, 2008), producers now rely on black markets to receive dollars. However, what the Bolivarian government refers to as hoarding, speculation, and sabotage is referred to simply as disinvestment by liberal economic analysts.…”
Section: Food Crisis Cause #4 Hoarding and Re-selling Of Goods In The Black Marketmentioning
Introducing the Bolivarian RegimeHugo Chavez was elected as the new president of Venezuela in 1998. He kicked off his regime by proclaiming his influential and mass-supported desire to overhaul the Puntofijista, the neoliberal regime before him. The Puntofijista system was criticized as highly oligopolistic in nature as it primarily benefited the elite (Levine, 2002). Elfenbein (2019) expounds this statement by concluding that the liberal structure of the state meant that the government redirected the national budget from social protection and economic development programs to debt
“…The disproportionate prices in the Venezuelan market due to strong state and exchange-rate issues has enticed blackmarketers and hoarders to smuggle them across neighboring borders, particularly Colombia. While black markets were artificially made to raise exchange rates and promote capital flights to reduce production (Nakatani & Herrera, 2008), producers now rely on black markets to receive dollars. However, what the Bolivarian government refers to as hoarding, speculation, and sabotage is referred to simply as disinvestment by liberal economic analysts.…”
Section: Food Crisis Cause #4 Hoarding and Re-selling Of Goods In The Black Marketmentioning
Introducing the Bolivarian RegimeHugo Chavez was elected as the new president of Venezuela in 1998. He kicked off his regime by proclaiming his influential and mass-supported desire to overhaul the Puntofijista, the neoliberal regime before him. The Puntofijista system was criticized as highly oligopolistic in nature as it primarily benefited the elite (Levine, 2002). Elfenbein (2019) expounds this statement by concluding that the liberal structure of the state meant that the government redirected the national budget from social protection and economic development programs to debt
“…Finans ve sigorta hizmetlerinin GSYH'daki payı 1997 yılında %2'den 2015 yılında %7,4'e yükselmiştir. Nakatani ve Herrera (2008) imalat sektöründe yaşanan gerilemenin, ülke üretiminin ithalata bağlı yapısından kopamamasından kaynaklandığını söylemektedir.…”
“…Furthermore, as highlighted by Nakatani and Herrera (2008), following the 2001 Organic Law of Planning, the government created a series of local institutions aimed at organizing people's participation in public budgeting decisions: the Local Councils of Public Planning (which operate at city level); the District Councils (which in addition can manage local banks, financed by the government); and manufacturing cooperatives.…”
Section: Chavism As An Exception To the Regional Trend: The 2007 Refementioning
confidence: 99%
“…Second and foremost, it is important to emphasize that not only Simón Bolívar but also Antonio Gramsci have represented seminal references in the definition of Chavist ideology. 11 In particular, the deep transformation of local authorities into organs of communal power ("Poder Comunal"), as described by both Nakatani and Herrera (2008) and Ciccariello-Maher (2007), was actually aimed at the construction of a new historical hegemonic block, to direct the nation toward a "21st-century socialism. "…”
Section: Chavism As An Exception To the Regional Trend: The 2007 Refementioning
confidence: 99%
“…Even though the government was not able to affect a change in the country's productive structure (which remained largely dependent on oil), or to implement significant industrial policies or economic planning programs (Nakatani et al 2008), Venezuela was able to take advantage of a huge economic expansion by means of a demand-oriented strategy which led to unprecedented expansion of the domestic market.…”
Section: The Glass Half Full: Chavism's Most Important Economic Achiementioning
This paper investigates the evolution of Venezuela's political and economic scenario over the last 15 years. I explore in depth both the achievements and the unsolved problems of the Venezuelan demand-led growth model. Recalling Kalecki's analysis of underdevelopment, I highlight Venezuela's problems that depend on the constraining role played by the existing institutions. I conclude that the real challenge consists of a deep institutional change, possibly along the lines portrayed in the 2007 constitutional referendum.
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