Structures, Strategies and Beyond

Domenico, Elisa Di; Hamann, Cornelia; Matteini, Simona

doi:10.1075/la.223

Cited by 23 publications

(1 citation statement)

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“…Assuming that this is modeled via Agree, that Agree is sensitive to phase boundaries and that there is a phase boundary at the periphery of vP, a (non subject) associated XP is predicted not to be able to stay in situ. It would have to move at least as high as the periphery of the vP phase to become accessible to probing by the head of CliticP (see Angelopoulos 2019b for a similar approach to Clitic Doubling), in a way consistent with Chomsky (2015). This is true for French: in bare cliticization, the pro associate of the clitic must raise to CliticP via KP (as in tree ( 69)) and cannot reconstruct lower than KP.…”

Section: Clitic Phrasesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Clitic dislocations and clitics in French and Greek

Angelopoulos

Sportiche

2021

Nat Lang Linguist Theory

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This article focuses on Clitic Left Dislocation of XPs in French and Greek. By examining the interpretive properties of these XPs, primarily reconstruction properties, it concludes that they have been displaced from their first merge position via movement into (sometimes) a succession of hierarchically organized middle-field positions first above vP then above T and on to the left periphery via standard A or A-bar steps (no mixed options are needed). Furthermore, pronominal clitics have long raised questions regarding their surface distribution (external merge in situ only or not), and their interpretive properties. As these XPs are doubled by clitics, it becomes possible to allocate properties of the doublet (clitic, XP) to its individual members. This article concludes that these clitics all occur high above T, in designated positions and that clitics do not have referential import, only the XPs that double them do.

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Section: Clitic Phrasesmentioning

confidence: 99%