Travel demand models focus on explaining how much individuals actually travel but offer no insight into how much individuals think they travel. The authors propose that the latter is an important determinant of traveler behavior, and that actual mobility is refracted through a variety of filters that magnify or diminish those subjective evaluations of travel amounts. Linear regression models of subjective mobility measures provided by 1,358 San Francisco Bay Area commuters were estimated earlier; the focus of this article is on identifying the potential cognitive and affective mechanisms that influence subjective mobility upward or downward, after controlling for objective mobility. The authors find three major types of mechanisms: awareness-heightening, affective, and comparison-inducing. Recurring patterns of effects in these three categories are analyzed in the light of psychological and marketing research concepts including the availability heuristic, social comparison, relative deprivation, autobiographical memory, and motivation theory. policy implications if one of the two commuters answered that she traveled "a lot" for work and the other answered that he traveled "very little" for work. Would the person who said he traveled "very little" for work be as receptive to travel-reducing policies, such as telecommuting and compressed work schedules, as the person who thought she traveled a lot?
KeywordsThese and similar questions motivated the current study, which explores the idea of subjective mobility. Here, subjective mobility refers to individuals' qualitative assessment of their travel amounts. It was captured by a survey instrument that asked respondents the following question (among many others) across a variety of types of travel: "How would you describe the amount of travel you do?" with a 5-point ordinal scale of response options. The goal of the current work is to discuss and investigate the factors that shape these subjective judgments, after controlling for the actual amount of travel they did.Transportation policy makers have long been aware of the importance of psychological factors in travel. In current practice, almost every travel demand model used in the United States (and elsewhere) considers waiting for a transit vehicle to be substantially more onerous than riding in a transit vehicle (it is typical for the negative coefficient of wait time in a utility function to be 2 to 3 times larger in magnitude than the coefficient of in-vehicle travel time). As a result, proposed transit alternatives that have more frequent service may be favored by demand models over faster alternatives with less frequent service. Thus, the psychological impact of waiting for a transit vehicle is directly reflected in transportation policy decision making. In the work presented here, we follow in the footsteps of several other researchers who have investigated the impacts of psychological factors on travel behavior by investigating the perceived assessments of travel amounts. For example, Koppelman (1981) used no...