The late Middle English expletive negative (EN) construction, as in:(1) er wull no man gewe so myche for them Paston 209, 12 (1471) has been analysed in Ingham (1998Ingham ( , 2000 as involving movement of a negated subject NP from Spec VP to Spec NegP, thus appearing to the right of the ®nite verb. The pre®nite position was occupied by expletive there. In the present study two questions are addressed: (a) whether the construction in (1) was an idiosyncratic feature of the Paston correspondents, and (b) whether it existed in earlier stages of Middle English. Three 15th century religious works (Middle English Sermons, Book of Margery Kempe, and Dives et Pauper I) were searched for this construction, as were eight early 13th century South-Eastern and West Midland religious prose texts. The EN construction was common in all three 15th century texts, in both matrix and embedded clauses. In the 13th century prose texts, however, the EN construction was non-existent. Post®nite subjects were found, but almost exclusively in matrix clauses, as in:(2) Ne mei nan uvel hearmen e HM 68 (a.1225)Expletive there was always lacking in such cases. We analyse (2) in terms of movement of the ®nite verb to C, with the negated subject in Spec IP. An alternative analysis in which pro stood in Spec IP, and the negated subject moved to, but