Sweden: The Flagship of Multiculturalism

Borevi, Karin

doi:10.1057/9781137015167_2

Cited by 57 publications

(32 citation statements)

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“…Furthermore, since housing problems can be a key factor in municipalities' willingness and ability to receive refugees (Borevi ), we also include the proportion of free apartments possessed by the local public housing company in the analyses.…”

Section: Methods and Datamentioning

confidence: 99%

Do Anti‐immigration Parties Matter? The Case of the Sweden Democrats and Local Refugee Policy

2014

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With the increased electoral success of anti‐immigration parties, questions regarding what impact the parties actually have naturally follow. Previous research has rarely explored this question. Furthermore, within this body of research, one is given different answers. While some argue that anti‐immigration parties have made an impact on public policy, others find no such evidence. This article shows that some of this inconsistency is a consequence of the methodological strategies that have been employed. Previous studies are either single case studies or comparisons of a small number of countries. Consequently, different parties in different institutional settings are compared, making it difficult to estimate the actual impact of the party of interest. In order to circumvent such methodological problems, this article explores the question of anti‐immigration party impact on a local level and asks if the Sweden Democrats (SD) have managed to influence decisions on refugee reception in Swedish municipalities. The analysis shows mixed results. First, while unable to find an independent effect of the size of the representation of the SD, it appears that the party's impact is conditioned by them holding the balance of power. Second, the SD's impact is not dependent upon whether there is right‐wing or left‐wing rule, although local migration policy is stricter when the main right‐wing party has strong support.

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Section: Methods and Datamentioning

confidence: 99%

Do Anti‐immigration Parties Matter? The Case of the Sweden Democrats and Local Refugee Policy

2014

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“…Thus, cultural competence rather emerges as a tool to master and control the boys who are placed in the studied institutions than as a tool to affect a change process in support of multiculturalism. migration regimes (Schierup, Hansen, and Castles 2006;Borevi 2012). All welfare institutions were required to implement this multicultural policy.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Cultural competence in institutional care for youths: experts with ambivalent positions

Gruber

2015

Nordic Social Work Research

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“…The government portrayed the 1997 integration policy as representing a paradigmatic shift in focus, where previous policies were rejected as a failure. In substance, however, it constituted little more than a confirmation of the change in course that had already been made in the 1980s (Borevi 2012).…”

Section: Policy Changementioning

confidence: 90%

“…This logic was now extended to the immigrant population. Access to equal rights was regarded as a necessary condition for their integration into Swedish society and was simultaneously required so as not to undermine the universal character of the system (Borevi 2010(Borevi , 2012.…”

Section: The Swedish Model Of Immigrant Integrationmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Indeed, the general activation policy trend is clearly visible also in Sweden. Since the 1990s, Sweden has developed introduction programmes for new arrivals that contain strong activation elements (Borevi 2012). Furthermore, since December 2010, the mandatory element has become more pronounced with the introduction of a centralised administration implementing the principle that new arrivals' nonparticipation is sanctioned by withdrawing or reducing benefits (Government Bill 2009/10:60), whereas previously the municipalities made these decisions locally (Qvist 2008).…”

Section: Policy Changementioning

confidence: 99%

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Multiculturalism and welfare state integration: Swedish model path dependency

Borevi

2014

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The present article offers an account of Swedish integration policies in the post-war period. The theoretical purpose is to assess Christian Joppke's hypothesis that recent trends of integration policy convergence have rendered the national model approach analytically useless. The analysis shows that Sweden deviates, in some important respects, from the European trend by not formulating demands that link integration achievements to immigrants' access to fundamental rights. The conclusion is that the Swedish case does not support Joppke's hypothesis, but rather indicates that path dependency of national models is a valid explanation to ongoing developments. It is argued that the Swedish exception should be understood as an expression of the persistent impact of a policy logic according to which integration requires that all citizens have equal and universal access to certain fundamental rights. The article builds on general comparisons with European policy developments and uses Denmark as a more specific reference point.

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Sweden: The Flagship of Multiculturalism

Cited by 57 publications

References 0 publications

Do Anti‐immigration Parties Matter? The Case of the Sweden Democrats and Local Refugee Policy

Do Anti‐immigration Parties Matter? The Case of the Sweden Democrats and Local Refugee Policy

Cultural competence in institutional care for youths: experts with ambivalent positions

Multiculturalism and welfare state integration: Swedish model path dependency

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