SWELA, ethnicity, and democracy in Cameroon’s patrimonial state: An anthropological critique

Abstract

Since the importation of liberal democracy by African postcolonial states in the 1990s mainstream political science scholarship has mainly represented the outcome as a pathologically ethnicized disfiguration of a universal model of politics upon which many had invested much hope for political empowerment and accountability. This article draws from a recent anthropological theoretical position on democracy as a work of cultural construction as well as on ethnographic material on an ethno-regional elite organization in Southwestern Cameroon called SWELA to provide an alternative reading of the ethnicity-elite-democracy nexus in postcolonial Africa. I suggest that while ethnicity is a major idiom through which the politics of democracy is practiced in Africa where most states are very patrimonially organized, this need not be seen as unproductive to the democratic ideals or expectations of effective political participation, deliberation (voice), and political accountability. Taking the case of Cameroon, I argue that in complete reversal of the situation under the one-party state, the historical shift from the one-party state to multiparty politics in 1990 and vernacularization of democracy in Cameroon along a cultural politics of ethnic identities have provided political spaces to the elite that were previously inexistent. I explore how South-West political elites successfully articulate personalized and collective interests on the state through various ethno-regional modes of political action that range from lobbying to threatening memoranda to the regime. These successful strategies by South-West elites indicate how ethnic and patrimonial politics by political elites can link up to democratic expectations in quite surprising ways, suggesting the need for a more cautious interpretation of democracy as a culturally enfolded and enfolding formation subject to local political conditions.

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“…During post imperialism, African States began importing liberal democracy in 1990 (Orock 2014). However, this view which is widely supported by some scholars may be misleading.…”

Internalizing environmental management practices in Africa: The role of power distance and orality

“…Orality in several parts of Africa can also be explained by ethnic diversity within countries. For example, although French and English are the official languages in Cameroon, there are more than 200 ethnic groups with as many local languages that are used among family members and for everyday communication (Orock, 2014;Pirttilä-Backman et al, 2004). The prevalence of orality in a context of ethnic and linguistic diversity raises serious challenges for the effective adoption of ISO standards.…”

WELCOMING THE ‘FON OF FONS’: ANGLOPHONE ELITES AND THE POLITICS OF HOSTING CAMEROON'S HEAD OF STATE

“…One month after the ‘meet the press’ event, these elites organized a ‘South-West mega-forum’ in Buea at which Charles Mbella Moki played a major role as mayor of the town and ‘host’. This was jointly organized by the SWELA and the SWCC, two organizations that serve as arenas for the political mobilization of elites of the region for the purposes of ethno-regional politics (see Nyamnjoh and Rowlands 1998; Orock 2014). The politics of such a mega-forum are so intricately derived from and tied to the politics of the hosting of the head of state that took place in the North-West Region that they bear some elaboration.…”

“…I contextualize their efforts to host state celebrations to mark the fiftieth anniversary of the country's independence in December 2010 and the planned celebrations to commemorate the fiftieth anniversary of the country's reunification in 2011 – which have ultimately been prolonged to this moment – as part of the novel expressions of Cameroon's ever-evolving patrimonial political culture. Undoubtedly, ethno-regional elite politics between the two Anglophone regions have been a perennial feature of postcolonial developments in Cameroon (Eyoh 1998; Geschiere 2009; Mbuagbo and Akoko 2004; Nkwi 2006; Nyamnjoh 1999; Nyamnjoh and Rowlands 1998; Orock 2014; Yenshu-Vubo 2006). Yet the value of the two cases discussed here lies in their illustration of how the successful efforts by the elites of one region (the North-West) in securing the ‘gifts’ of development during Biya's visit to the area animate the political efforts of elites from the other region (the South-West) to secure their own opportunity to host the head of state and obtain their share of local development resources.…”