Syllable, Segment and Prosody

Loporcaro, Michele; Maiden, Martin; Smith, John Charles; Ledgeway, Adam

doi:10.1017/chol9780521800723.004

Cited by 99 publications

(18 citation statements)

References 351 publications

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“…First, it presents a number of problems related to Richness of the Base. Second, the assumption that long vowels before word-final devoiced obstruents are the product of lengthening runs contrary to the historical reconstruction of developments in Gallo-Romance and northern Italo-Romance which gives a prominent rôle to the distinctive status of vowel length; see in particular Morin (2003), and also Loporcaro (2007Loporcaro ( , 2011b for relevant discussion.…”

Section: Length Richness Of the Base And Historymentioning

confidence: 98%

“…However, it is clear that the requirement (however formalized) to avoid word-final long vowels plays an important rôle in the (non-) realization of underlying length contrasts, cf. Loporcaro (2011b): "the choice between application [. .…”

Section: The Status Of Vowel Lengthmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…According to Morin (1992Morin ( , 2003; Loporcaro (2007Loporcaro ( , 2011b, vowel length in forms such as ["la:d] 'gone' represents a remnant of the long vowel which arose by open syllable lengthening (OSL) in Vulgar Latin *LATUM, while the short vowel in ["lat] 'milk' continues a vowel that was not lengthened in a closed syllable (LACTEM). The basic Friulian pattern arose because singleton obstruents underwent lenition (Loporcaro, 2011a), which excluded voiceless singletons from the position following a vowel lengthened under OSL, and thus established the connection between voicing and vowel length.…”

Section: Length Richness Of the Base And Historymentioning

confidence: 99%

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Final devoicing and vowel lengthening in Friulian: A representational approach

Iosad

2012

Lingua

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This paper proposes an account of final devoicing in Friulian which relies on contrastive feature specification and feature geometry to explicate the connection between final devoicing and vowel lengthening. It is proposed that obstruents which are the outcome of final devoicing are phonologically distinct from true voiceless obstruents, being completely unspecified for laryngeal features. It is argued that the representational deficiency of such delaryngealized obstruents is directly connected to their inability to license a mora, which opens the way to vowel lengthening. More generally, the paper shows how feature geometry may be adapted to capture the effects of contrastive specification and express markedness relations, and proposes a novel approach to hierarchies involving the sonority of coda segments.Keywords: final devoicing, moraic theory, sonority hierarchy, feature geometry, Romance languagesThe present paper has two purposes. Empirically, it focuses on final devoicing in Friulian and on the connection between final devoicing and vowel lengthening. Its aim is to account both for the phonetic phenomena involved in final devoicing and for the fact that stressed vowels are lengthened before devoiced obstruents (but only in a word-final syllable). From a theoretical perspective, the paper takes up several strands of recent research into markedness relations. I argue that feature specifications should be assigned solely on the basis of phenomena attested within Email address: pavel.iosad@uit.no (Pavel Iosad)

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Section: Length Richness Of the Base And Historymentioning

confidence: 98%

Section: The Status Of Vowel Lengthmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Length Richness Of the Base And Historymentioning

confidence: 99%

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Final devoicing and vowel lengthening in Friulian: A representational approach

Iosad

2012

Lingua

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“…In fact, the incorporation of pronominal enclitics into the preceding verbal host may result in (extended) prosodic words with stress on the fourth or even the fifth to the last syllable of the word (21). (21) In the same line, Loporcaro (2011b) observes that only post-lexical rules, such as schwa epenthesis, may originate prosodic words with stress before the antepenultimate syllable in Romance languages. 11 Phonotactic restrictions in EPor banning prosodic word initial [ɲ ʎ ɾ] are also to be observed only in lexical phonology, since proclitic adjunction to prosodic words ( já lhe ofereci > já lhofereci '(I) have already offered-him') and resyllabification (venho aqui > venhaqui '(I) come here') may originate prosodic words starting with these forbidden segments (but cf.…”

Section: Segmental Phenomena and Their Interactionsmentioning

confidence: 98%

2. Segmental phenomena and their interactions: Evidence for prosodic organization and the architecture of grammar

Vigário¹

2016

Manual of Grammatical Interfaces in Romance

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Various areas of segmental phonology in the Romance languages are revealing about the architecture and functioning of grammar and phonological component. This chapter presents a selection of phenomena from different Romance languages, especially Ibero-Romance, that illustrate main interactions of segmental phonology with other parts of phonology (essentially, suprasegmental features and prosodic structure), as well as with morphology and the lexicon. Specific segmental phenomena related to word frequency and loan words are also discussed.

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“…It is important to underline that, given these constraints, the punctual application of syncope in favorable environments varies from dialect to dialect (cf. the latter two forms in (11b)): Whereas unstressed vowels were reduced and ultimately lost in many environments, stressed vowels underwent an important change in vowel quantity (VQ) (see Loporcaro 2010) Oneda 1965, Rossini 1975.…”

Section: Defining Conditions For the Development Of Vh: Prosodic Chanmentioning

confidence: 99%