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In this paper, we present an analysis of so-called determinerless PPs in German, i.e. prepositional phrases that allow singular count nouns to occur without an accompanying determiner, despite other rules in the grammar requiring the presence of the determiner. The analysis is based on annotated corpus data, which are fed into a statistical classifier (applying logistic regression). Superficially, the syntax of bare prepositional phrases is difficult to capture, and intuitions cannot be easily elicited. The analysis is based on data sets for two pairs of German prepositions:mit‘with’ andohne‘without’, andüber‘over, above’ andunter‘under, below’. The results of the classifiers applied to annotated data indicate which syntactic, morphological and semantic features are responsible for determiner omission. We are able to detect common properties of all four prepositions, as well as preposition-specific, and idiosyncratic properties. The apparently unsystematic conditions for determiner omission can be discerned by tracing the interaction of these properties.
In this paper, we present an analysis of so-called determinerless PPs in German, i.e. prepositional phrases that allow singular count nouns to occur without an accompanying determiner, despite other rules in the grammar requiring the presence of the determiner. The analysis is based on annotated corpus data, which are fed into a statistical classifier (applying logistic regression). Superficially, the syntax of bare prepositional phrases is difficult to capture, and intuitions cannot be easily elicited. The analysis is based on data sets for two pairs of German prepositions:mit‘with’ andohne‘without’, andüber‘over, above’ andunter‘under, below’. The results of the classifiers applied to annotated data indicate which syntactic, morphological and semantic features are responsible for determiner omission. We are able to detect common properties of all four prepositions, as well as preposition-specific, and idiosyncratic properties. The apparently unsystematic conditions for determiner omission can be discerned by tracing the interaction of these properties.
The study characterizes developmental trends in early Hebrew clause-combining (CC) by analyzing the interplay between linguistic form and communicative function in different interactional settings. Analysis applied to all utterances produced by three children aged 2; 0-3 ;0 who combined two or more clauses, either self-initiated or on the basis of adult input. Ten types of CC were analyzed for marking by connectives (e.g., the Hebrew equivalents of 'and', 'that', 'so'). Four shared consecutive developmental phases emerged: non-marking; partial marking by 'and' and 'that'; use of 'but' and 'because', favored significantly in interlocutor-supported contexts; marking of adverbial relations and more varied use of še- 'that'. These CC processes are interpreted as reflecting general properties of language development, in the form of gradually increasing specification of form-function relations under the impact of interlocutor-child interactive support combined with Hebrew-particular typological factors.
This study examined the possible effects of learners’ first language (L1) and learning context on the mental structures of second language (L2) polysemous words: the English prepositions at, in, and on. The study found that Japanese learners of English as a foreign language (EFL) who had lived in an English-speaking country had developed native-like mental structures of the three prepositions. By contrast, those with little or no experience living in an English-speaking country showed native-like mental structures only for on – the preposition denoting the most concrete notion among the three prepositions. These findings suggest that learners’ L1 may affect their mental representations of L2 prepositions, particularly those denoting abstract notions, but significant L2 exposure can diminish such L1 effects.
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