2000
DOI: 10.1163/156852100512167
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Taiwan's Distorted Democracy in Comparative Perspective

Abstract: Many scholars have lauded Taiwan's successful democratization as a "political miracle," parallel to its well-known "economic miracle" of the 1960s and 1970s. This paper argues, however, that the fulfillment of formal, procedural conditions of democracy conceals the development of a distorted democracy in Taiwan. An iron rectangle of the state, the ruling party, local factions, and conglomerates have gradually dominated Taiwan's political economy at the expense of distributional equality and economic efficiency… Show more

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Cited by 14 publications
(12 citation statements)
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“…The state democratized both through low‐level voting from below and through executive fiat from above. It did so with relatively little violence or social upheaval (Rigger 1999; Kuo 2000; Chao and Meyers 1998; Chang, Lu, and Wang 1997). And it did so quickly, with freedom of speech, association, movement, and political party formation taking root quickly with the end of forty years of martial law in 1986–1987.…”
Section: The Differentiated Role Of Law In Administrationmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…The state democratized both through low‐level voting from below and through executive fiat from above. It did so with relatively little violence or social upheaval (Rigger 1999; Kuo 2000; Chao and Meyers 1998; Chang, Lu, and Wang 1997). And it did so quickly, with freedom of speech, association, movement, and political party formation taking root quickly with the end of forty years of martial law in 1986–1987.…”
Section: The Differentiated Role Of Law In Administrationmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…During this period, despite the KMT government implementing tight political control from 1950 to 1954, the government introduced popular elections, such as those for the Provincial Assembly, in order to incorporate a diversified local elite into the process of party building and provide the authoritarian system with a modicum of democratic legitimation. Enjoying a monopoly of economic and political privilege permitted the KMT regime to construct alliances with local factions by sharing political power and material benefits with them in exchange for their long-term allegiance (Brown, Moon, & Robinson, 1998;Hood, 1996;Kau, 1996;Kuo, 2000;Wang, 1994;Wu, 2001Wu, , 2003. Factions arose to mediate between the mainlander KMT state and local Taiwan society, earning power and prestige by their ability to help individuals unable to appeal directly to the KMT controlled government and courts (Bosco, 1992).…”
Section: The Development Of Political Context In Taiwanmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…26Á27). However, such kinds of patronÁ client relationship provided a space to form criminal links in politics, involving illicit financial gain, and such phenomena became widely evident with implications as we shall see for the governance of professional sport (Bosco, 1992;Cai, 1998;Hood, 1996;Kuo, 2000;Liu, 2001). Indeed, looking at the dark side of Taiwan's history and culture, organized crime had been an accepted agent of power when the KMT had been in power in China.…”
Section: The Development Of Political Context In Taiwanmentioning
confidence: 99%
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“…Since a strong state controlled most economic resources during authoritarian rule in both South Korea and Taiwan, corruption flourished among political leaders in South Korea and the ruling party in Taiwan, while at the same time both countries maintained a high level of economic growth. The political perspective is that in South Korea, the state and big businesses established a political-economic alliance in order to reduce transaction costs and make agreements and investments more efficient [18], while in Taiwan, the ruling party (the Kuomintang-KMT) constructed a patron-client relationship with local factions and business leaders [4,25,26]. These two perspectives offer useful explanations for the cause of corruption in Taiwan and South Korea.…”
mentioning
confidence: 99%