Television violence and aggression: The debate continues.

Friedrich-Cofer, Lynette K.; Huston, Aletha C.

doi:10.1037/0033-2909.100.3.364

Cited by 88 publications

(28 citation statements)

References 33 publications

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“…For example, a large body of research has converged on findings that viewing television violence affects both short-term and longterm aggressive behavior. [33][34][35] Along these lines, our results suggest that the AAP was right to be concerned that time spent viewing would be negatively related to the time that children spend interacting with their parents. We found a consistent pattern of fairly large negative relationships among television viewing and time spent interacting with both parents and siblings.…”

Section: Discussionsupporting

confidence: 55%

Time Well Spent? Relating Television Use to Children's Free-Time Activities

2006

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OBJECTIVES. This study assessed the claim that children's television use interferes with time spent in more developmentally appropriate activities.METHODS. Data came from the first wave of the Child Development Supplement, a nationally representative sample of children aged 0 to 12 in 1997 (N ϭ 1712). Twenty-four-hour time-use diaries from 1 randomly chosen weekday and 1 randomly chosen weekend day were used to assess children's time spent watching television, time spent with parents, time spent with siblings, time spent reading (or being read to), time spent doing homework, time spent in creative play, and time spent in active play. Ordinary least squares multiple regression was used to assess the relationship between children's television use and time spent pursuing other activities.RESULTS. Results indicated that time spent watching television both with and without parents or siblings was negatively related to time spent with parents or siblings, respectively, in other activities. Television viewing also was negatively related to time spent doing homework for 7-to 12-year-olds and negatively related to creative play, especially among very young children (younger than 5 years). There was no relationship between time spent watching television and time spent reading (or being read to) or to time spent in active play.CONCLUSIONS. The results of this study are among the first to provide empirical support for the assumptions made by the American Academy of Pediatrics in their screen time recommendations. Time spent viewing television both with and without parents and siblings present was strongly negatively related to time spent interacting with parents or siblings. Television viewing was associated with decreased homework time and decreased time in creative play. Conversely, there was no support for the widespread belief that television interferes with time spent reading or in active play.www.pediatrics.org/cgi

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Section: Discussionsupporting

confidence: 55%

Time Well Spent? Relating Television Use to Children's Free-Time Activities

2006

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“…For example, Berkowitz and Rawlings (1963) showed that violent movie scenes led to justification of personal aggressive behavior. Experimental studies have been criticized for their somewhat artificial nature, but field experiments have produced similar results in more realistic settings (Friedrich & Stein, 1973;Leyens, Camino, Parke, & Berkowitz, 1975;Friedrich-Cofer & Huston, 1986). However, it is not so much the immediate effects of media violence exposure that are of concern, but rather the aggregated long-term effects.…”

Section: Movie Ratingsmentioning

confidence: 85%

What Matters in Movie Ratings? Cross-country Differences in how Content Influences Mature Movie Ratings

Price

Palsson

Gentile

2014

Journal of Children and Media

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We examine the weight that the USA and other countries place on different types of movie content when assigning movies a mature rating. We use data on the international movie ratings for over 1,000 movies reviewed by either Screen It or Kids in Mind, two companies that provide measures of different types of movie content. Among English-speaking countries, the United States is unique in that, it places the most weight on profanity but the least weight on violence. Across all countries, the USA and Asian countries place the largest weight on sex, while Scandinavian countries place the least weight on sex but the largest weight on violence. The approach the USA takes toward assigning mature ratings is puzzling since, of the three types of content, violence has the strongest body of evidence to document harm to children.

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“…Today, evidence has been collected from many more lab experiments, some field experiments, and a number of surveys (Comstock & Paik, 1987). Although there are a few critics who disagree (e.g., Freedman, 1984), most reviews of the research conclude that heavy exposure to media violence increases the degree to which children will engage in aggressive behavior (see Andison, 1977;Friedrich-Cofer & Huston, 1986). Moreover, these effects are not limited to childhood.…”

Section: The Effects Of Violent Contentmentioning

confidence: 94%

Applying social science research to film ratings: A shift from offensiveness to harmful effects

Wilson¹,

Linz²,

Randall³

1990

Journal of Broadcasting & Electronic Media

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The Motion Picture Association of America (MPAA) provides ratings for the majority of commercially released films. The MPAA system is based largely on estimates of what types of film content may be offensive to most parents. We identify four assumptions that underlie the current rating system and show how these assumptions are inconsistent with social science research regarding the impact of media portrayals on young viewers. Finally, we offer an alternative scheme based on what is harmful to children rather than what is offensive to parents. The expansion of cable television and the availability of videocassette recorders have increased the diversity of the home media environment for most families (Dorr & Kunkel, 1990). These new media technologies have also increased the possibility that children will view material that is not necessarily considered appropriate for younger age groups. For example, one survey found that up to 77% of the 14-and 15-year-old respondents reported that they had viewed a number of R-rated films supposedly restricted to viewers over age 17, either in the theater or on videocassette (Creenberg et al., 1986). The vast quantity of adult material now available on cable and on videocassettes places many parents in the position of having to make daily decisions about what their children should and should not view. The Motion Picture Association of America (MPAA) attempts to provide information to viewers, specifically parents, about the content of various movies. This information is conveyed inthe form of ratings that accompany most commercial films and are publicized on most videocassette copies of these 443 444 JOBEM 34:4 Falli 990films. At first glance, the rating system appears to be a useful guide to assist parents in monitoring their children's viewing. The MPAA scheme, however, suffers from a number of problems that limit its utility for parents.We identify four assumptions inherent in the MPAA scheme. We then show how those assumptions are inconsistent with research evidence on the impact of certain media portrayals on young viewers. Finally, we offer an alternative classification scheme that would lead to considerably different ratings than those currently given by the MPAA.

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Television violence and aggression: The debate continues.

Cited by 88 publications

References 33 publications

Time Well Spent? Relating Television Use to Children's Free-Time Activities

Time Well Spent? Relating Television Use to Children's Free-Time Activities

What Matters in Movie Ratings? Cross-country Differences in how Content Influences Mature Movie Ratings

Applying social science research to film ratings: A shift from offensiveness to harmful effects

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