Temporary migration and changing family dynamics: implications for social development

Abstract

Drawing upon longitudinal data, this research documents the relationship between migration and development by highlighting the conditions which promote changes in social and familial relations, social positioning, and intergenerational relationships within the families who experience temporary out‐migration and the return of at least one male member. The fieldwork data (based on two surveys) derive from research conducted on Bangladeshi temporary migrants in Singapore and in an ‘origin’ village in Bangladesh in 2001 and 2006. The study reports that male labour migration has contributed to social changes in their own families and villages over time that are most likely to stimulate, in turn, macro‐changes in Bangladeshi society in the long run. Copyright © 2009 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

Gender and Migration-Driven Changes in Rural Eastern Romania. Migrants’ Perspectives

“…With few exceptions (Dannecker, 2009, King et al 2006, Rahman, 2009, researches in the field of migration and development do not deal with gender differences and the meanings women and men invest in their social and economic remittances. This paper examined the gendered participation to remittances sent by Romanians migrants in Italy and illustrated the various senses given by men and women to the definition of personal/ community development.…”

Migrant Remittances in South Asia

“…The developmental impacts of remittances are usually examined at the micro-and macro-levels (for a detailed discussion, see Cohen, 2005;de Haas, 2005). Macro-level studies concentrate largely on national outcomes (e.g., foreign exchange and labor patterns) (Taylor et al, 1996;Stinner et al, 1982;Adams, 2003;Burki, 1991;de Bruyn and Kuddus, 2005), while micro-level studies focus on the local effects of remittances, especially on the migrant families and their communities of origin (Asis, 2000;Hugo, 2002;Rahman, 2009b;Madhavan, 1985;Gamburd, 2002;Arif, 2004). Although macro-level approaches inform us a great deal about national patterns and outcomes, they cannot help us understand what remittances actually mean for migrant families and the migrants themselves.…”

“…Some countries in South East Asia (e.g., the Philippines) and Africa (e.g., Kenya and Uganda) can make use of this new technology. Prospects for mobile remittances in South Asia are promising because of the high rate of mobile subscriptions in South Asia (Rahman, 2008(Rahman, , 2009b.…”

Rethinking Migration-Development Nexus: A Case of Bangladeshi Migrants’ Households

“…Women as left behind wives become empower because they receive and control remittances sent by their husbands and due to this they dominate to control over other resources of households. Also, they construct new relations outside the households giving migration information to friends and neighbours and helping them also giving money for migration, is regarded as a 'symbol of status' (Rahman, 2009). Like women migrants, migrants' wives establish a new position in and outside the household premises that empowers them and label them new social identity.…”

“…Cultural capital further increases because remittances empower migrants' fathers in the community and influence to take leadership as they have substantial economic solvency. Also, they are occasionally involved in political mobilization particularly at the union parishad (fourth level of local government) level by dint of 'migration capital' and remittances (Rahman, 2000a(Rahman, & 2009. Like other household members, migrants themselves become influential persons/local leaders in school or college committees and local level administrative body after return from overseas (Afsar et al, 2002).…”