2013
DOI: 10.1111/1467-9477.12014
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Testing the Impact of Political Generations: The Class of 94 and Pro‐feminist Ideas in the Swedish Riksdag

Abstract: How can one explain the transformation of elected assemblies like national parliaments? In this study it is argued that much can be gained from taking the assumption of political generations more seriously when trying to explain transformations of the political agenda – for example, of themes and topics brought up in the parliamentary process. More specifically, the article expands on previous research in three ways: first, it launches the concept of ‘parliamentary political generation’ where the core element … Show more

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Cited by 9 publications
(7 citation statements)
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“…Also in the ‘hen- debate,’ more left-wing than right-wing politicians used hen and promoted that hen should be included in the Swedish Dictionary ( Milles, 2013 ). In Sweden, there are feminist movements both on the left and right of the political map, and in the last election more politicians than ever before openly stated that they considered themselves to be feminists ( Öhberg and Wängnerud, 2014 ). Thus, feminist values would be associated with more positive attitudes, no matter of political orientation.…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Also in the ‘hen- debate,’ more left-wing than right-wing politicians used hen and promoted that hen should be included in the Swedish Dictionary ( Milles, 2013 ). In Sweden, there are feminist movements both on the left and right of the political map, and in the last election more politicians than ever before openly stated that they considered themselves to be feminists ( Öhberg and Wängnerud, 2014 ). Thus, feminist values would be associated with more positive attitudes, no matter of political orientation.…”
Section: Introductionmentioning
confidence: 99%
“…Unfortunately, longitudinal data are limited (Karvonen & Selle ; Wängnerud ). No linear relationship between the number of women and the adoption of ‘women‐friendly’ policies has been found since so many other factors intervene (Öhberg & Wängnerud ; Wängnerud ). Additionally, critical mass theory, which states that it takes a certain proportion, a tipping point of, for example, 30 percent, of women MPs, to make a difference, has been found to be a myth, albeit a powerful one (Dahlerup ).…”
Section: Theoretical and Methodological Frameworkmentioning
confidence: 99%
“… Standardized regression coefficient, ordinary least squares, of −0.33, significant at 0.05 level, negative score equals lower age. Age is used here, since the Danish data, in contrast to Öberg and Wängnerud () on Sweden and Childs () on Britain, do not allow for cohort analyses by using year of entrance or number of terms in parliament (see Note 5 above).…”
mentioning
confidence: 99%
“…In fact, a feminist network – the Support Stockings – threatened to form a women's party in 1994 if the established parties did not address women's under‐representation. This threat alone ‘generated frantic activity in the political parties for fear that a women's party would steal votes from the other, established, parties’ (Wängnerud ; see also Freidenvall ; Björklund ) and ‘all the other parties made adaptations to the networks’ demands’ (Öhberg & Wängnerud , 67–8). In that case, ‘party competition produced a virtuous circle’ (Sainsbury , 84), leading to the adoption by nearly all parties of policies ensuring women's representation, the emergence of a new generation of feminist representatives in the Riksdag (Öhberg & Wängnerud ) and a shift in the national gender equality discourse (Teigen & Wängnerud ).…”
Section: Increasing Salience and An Emerging Consensusmentioning
confidence: 99%