That’s not funny: Instrument validation of the concern for political correctness scale

Strauts, Erin; Blanton, Hart

doi:10.1016/j.paid.2015.02.012

Cited by 40 publications

(45 citation statements)

References 22 publications

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“…MG motivation may also have some similarities to prior attempts to measure concerns for political correctness [47], which measures personal motivations to correct politically incorrect speech. However, while concern for political correctness does involve moral speech in public discourse, it is not explicitly concerned with status-seeking motivations in the same way that MG is.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…However, while concern for political correctness does involve moral speech in public discourse, it is not explicitly concerned with status-seeking motivations in the same way that MG is. Additionally, past evidence suggests that concern for political correctness is a somewhat partisan construct, being associated with more liberal values and lower levels of right-wing authoritarianism [47]. MG, however, as conceptualized, should be an ideologically neutral tendency.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

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Moral grandstanding in public discourse: Status-seeking motives as a potential explanatory mechanism in predicting conflict

et al. 2019

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Public discourse is often caustic and conflict-filled. This trend seems to be particularly evident when the content of such discourse is around moral issues (broadly defined) and when the discourse occurs on social media. Several explanatory mechanisms for such conflict have been explored in recent psychological and social-science literatures. The present work sought to examine a potentially novel explanatory mechanism defined in philosophical literature: Moral Grandstanding. According to philosophical accounts, Moral Grandstanding is the use of moral talk to seek social status. For the present work, we conducted six studies, using two undergraduate samples (Study 1, N = 361; Study 2, N = 356); a sample matched to U.S. norms for age, gender, race, income, Census region (Study 3, N = 1,063); a YouGov sample matched to U.S. demographic norms (Study 4, N = 2,000); and a brief, one-month longitudinal study of Mechanical Turk workers in the U.S. (Study 5, Baseline N = 499, follow-up n = 296), and a large, one-week YouGov sample matched to U.S. demographic norms (Baseline N = 2,519, follow-up n = 1,776). Across studies, we found initial support for the validity of Moral Grandstanding as a construct. Specifically, moral grandstanding motivation was associated with status-seeking personality traits, as well as greater political and moral conflict in daily life.

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Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Moral grandstanding in public discourse: Status-seeking motives as a potential explanatory mechanism in predicting conflict

et al. 2019

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“…A principal component analysis (direct oblimin rotation with Kaiser normalization) revealed that all nine items of the CPC loaded onto only one factor, which suggested that the emotional and activist subscales identified by Strauts and Blanton (2015) were not discrete. A further principal component analysis was run including all 20 items across IMS, EMS, WD, and CPC.…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Two recent measures, Andary‐Brophy (2015) with 38 items and Dickson (2017) which required respondents to review 108 matched pairs of words, were not suitable for a short online questionnaire. The final measure (Strauts & Blanton, 2015), whilst only nine items, includes repeated references to PC which may result in a social desirability bias.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Brexit: The influence of motivation to respond without prejudice, willingness to disagree, and attitudes to immigration

Bowman

West

2020

British J Social Psychol

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Britain's unexpected vote to leave the European Union (Brexit) in June 2016 has proved divisive and damaging both within the United Kingdom and internationally. Across two correlational studies, the current research proposed a model to explain the Brexit vote, with attitudes to immigration and willingness to disagree (WD) as direct predictors of the referendum result, and internal (IMS) and external (EMS) motivation to respond without prejudice as indirect predictors. Study 1 (N = 353) and Study 2 (N = 363) both showed good fit with the model and, respectively, explained 48% and 46% of the referendum result. More positive attitudes to immigration predicted a vote to remain. Higher IMS and lower EMS predicted a vote to remain, fully mediated by attitudes to immigration. In Study 1, lower WD also predicted a vote to remain, both directly and indirectly via attitudes to immigration, although this was not replicated in Study 2. These results are discussed both in relation to the Brexit result, and the implications for motivation to respond without prejudice, WD, and political correctness more generally. Following an acrimonious campaign, the United Kingdom (UK) decided to leave the European Union (EU) in a referendum on 23 June 2016 by the narrow margin of 51.9% voting leave (Leavers) against 48.1% voting remain (Remainers) on a turnout of 72% (The Electoral Commission, 2018). This largely unexpected result (BBC News, 2016; Greenslade, 2016) has proved to be one of the most divisive events of recent British history with potentially substantial economic and political impacts not just in the United Kingdom but across the EU (Bulmer & Quaglia, 2018; Chen et al., 2018). Together with the election of Donald Trump as US President and the growth of right-wing populist parties in Europe (Greven, 2016; Lewis, Clarke, Barr, Holder, & Kommenda, 2018), the UK's vote to leave the EU (Brexit) has also been seen as part of a wider backlash across Western democracies against globalism and the postwar liberal consensus (Inglehart & Norris, 2016). Understanding the causes of Brexit, therefore, has assumed a broader significance than simply domestic politics in Britain. The Brexit result has been analysed from a number of perspectives: the demographic

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“…(1999) find that support for censorship is generally higher for the political right than the left, they also document left support for politically correct censorship, especially on university campus. Concern for political correctness is associated with more leftist beliefs and ideologies and with less rightwing authoritarianism (Strauts und Blanton 2015).…”

Section: Evidence From Empirical Research On Political Tolerancementioning

confidence: 99%

Is Free Speech in Danger on University Campus? Some Preliminary Evidence from a Most Likely Case

Revers¹,

Traunmüller²

2019

Preprint

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While universities play a key role in questions of free speech and political viewpoint diversity, they are often associated with the opposite of a free exchange of ideas: a proliferation of restrictive campus speech codes, violent protests against controversial speakers, and even the firing of inconvenient professors. For some observers these trends on university campuses are a clear indicator of the dire future for freedom of speech. Others view these incidents as scandalized singular events and regard the campus intolerance as a mere myth. We take an empirical look at some of the claims in the debate and present original survey evidence from a most likely case: the leftist social science studentship at the University of Frankfurt. Our results show that taking offense is a common experience and that a sizable share of students is in favour of restricting free speech on campus. We also find evidence for conformity pressures on campus and that both, the desire to restrict speech and the reluctance to speak openly differ significantly across political ideology. Students on the left are less likely to tolerate controversial viewpoints and students on the right are more likely to self-censor on politically sensitive issues such as gender, immigration or sexual and ethnic minorities. The implications of our findings extend beyond the realms of academia and speak to more general problems in public discourse today.

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That’s not funny: Instrument validation of the concern for political correctness scale

Cited by 40 publications

References 22 publications

Moral grandstanding in public discourse: Status-seeking motives as a potential explanatory mechanism in predicting conflict

Moral grandstanding in public discourse: Status-seeking motives as a potential explanatory mechanism in predicting conflict

Brexit: The influence of motivation to respond without prejudice, willingness to disagree, and attitudes to immigration

Is Free Speech in Danger on University Campus? Some Preliminary Evidence from a Most Likely Case

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