The 2007 presidential and legislative elections in Guatemala

Azpuru, Dinorah

doi:10.1016/j.electstud.2008.03.001

Cited by 8 publications

(4 citation statements)

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“…As previously mentioned, many real‐world examples (France 2017, Guatemala 2007, Peru 1985, and Spain in 2004) point to opposite findings in which rightist parties lost significant electoral support following terrorist attacks. In these cases, voters rejected the more hard‐line counterterrorism proposals by rightist parties following severe terrorist attacks, or significant increases in terrorism (Ace Project, ; Azpuru, ; Farrell, ; Bali, ; Georgetown, ; Lago and Montero, ; Nohlen, ).…”

Section: Terrorism's Effect On Right and Leftist Partiesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Meet in the Middle: Terrorism and Centrist Party Vote Shares in Legislative Elections

et al. 2019

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Scholars have found that terrorism can influence political behavior in democracies by affecting citizens’ emotions such as anxiety and fear. However, researchers have yet to examine how terrorism affects vote choice cross‐nationally. The few studies that have investigated terrorism's effect on vote choice have only examined single states through case study analysis. While informative, researchers lack an understanding regarding how terrorism influences vote choice cross‐nationally based on the nature of terrorist attacks and the ideology of political parties. Thus, using a unique dataset that incorporates political party ideology, this study examines the effect the number and severity of terrorist attacks have on vote choice in legislative elections in 56 democracies from multiple regions and levels of development from 1975 to 2014. Preliminary results indicate that terrorist attacks are critical events that significantly affect vote choice in the democratic states included in this analysis.

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Section: Terrorism's Effect On Right and Leftist Partiesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Meet in the Middle: Terrorism and Centrist Party Vote Shares in Legislative Elections

et al. 2019

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“…It decried the individual deviance of ostensibly identifiable criminals and denounced the alleged absence of punitive measures to repress them (Krause 2014;Holland 2013). For its part, the second narrative, favored by human rights organizations and progressive political actors, explained the incidents by reference to poverty, inequality, and inadequate state social support in marginalized communities (Azpuru 2008;Krause 2014). Though both narrations of crisis would influence policymaking during the late 2000s and early 2010s, it was the former that, with Pérez Molina's election in 2012, informed an ascendant Iron Fist paradigm.…”

Section: : the Anticorruption Tan's Legal-political Challenge To The ...mentioning

confidence: 99%

Learning Targets: Policy Paradigms and State Responses to the Anticorruption Transnational Advocacy Network Campaign in Guatemala

Fuentes

2022

Lat Am Polit Soc

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Scholarship on Transnational Advocacy Networks (TANs) increasingly recognizes that even weak states targeted by TANs may respond, and subvert, transnational norm socialization campaigns. It examines both the conditions conducive to such responses and the range of policy instruments available to these states. Yet this emerging work lacks a robust, contextualized account for how states devise the strategy and the content of their responses. This article builds on the policy-learning literature to elucidate the process through which states construct their anti-TAN approaches. It suggests that states’ policy paradigms in the field of domestic security largely shape those responses, with different paradigms offering distinct priorities and instruments. The comparison of the divergent impact of the Guatemalan state’s contrasting responses to two similar legal-political challenges, undertaken in the context of the same anticorruption TAN campaign, illustrates the argument.

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“…The legislative elections also saw the center‐left UNE Party obtain the largest share of votes. This was a noticeable shift from the 2003 elections in which the GANA candidate won the presidential election and conservative parties such as GANA defeated the center‐left UNE in congressional elections (Ace 2007; Azpuru 2007; Farrell 2007). Thus, in the wake of unprecedented terrorist violence in Guatemala, voters did not gravitate toward right parties that advanced strong security platforms in the 2007 elections.…”

Section: Argument and Hypothesesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Terrorism and Right-Party Vote Shares in Legislative Elections

2021

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This study examines the electoral consequences for ideologically right-leaning political parties in the wake of terrorist attacks by employing an original dataset that captures political party vote shares and multiple terrorist indicators. Our analysis extends the partisan voting hypothesis to 56 democracies from multiple regions and levels of development between 1975–2014. Specifically, we find that the origins of terrorist perpetrators, the severity of terrorist attacks, and the frequency of terrorist incidents decrease right-party vote shares in legislative contests when incorporating standard controls. All told, these findings reinforce political psychological reasoning that contends terrorist attacks impact citizens’ emotions and voting calculations.

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The 2007 presidential and legislative elections in Guatemala

Cited by 8 publications

References 1 publication

Meet in the Middle: Terrorism and Centrist Party Vote Shares in Legislative Elections

Meet in the Middle: Terrorism and Centrist Party Vote Shares in Legislative Elections

Learning Targets: Policy Paradigms and State Responses to the Anticorruption Transnational Advocacy Network Campaign in Guatemala

Terrorism and Right-Party Vote Shares in Legislative Elections

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