The 2016 Czech regional elections: Without real regional parties or voters’ interest

Pink, Michal; Eibl, Otto

doi:10.1080/13597566.2018.1450746

Cited by 9 publications

(6 citation statements)

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“…Although the majority of national parties did not conduct a separate campaign with special manifestos, only "regional parties" (in the legal form of civil alliances) drafted real regional programmes, which proved to be insufficient. National parties won the elections in the regional assemblies (Pink and Eibl, 2018).…”

Section: Election Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…Despite the separate timing of national and local elections in Hungary, the new figures of turnout underline the explanatory role of the scope of power instead of concentrated attention to the local elections. Likewise, low electoral turnout in Czechia is also explained by a lack of stake and low interest of voters (Pink and Eibl, 2018), despite a 3-years-long interval separating parliamentary and regional elections. Paradoxically, the stake of local elections became more important than ever in Hungary when the opposition could mobilise voters against the parties in power in 2019 one year after the parliamentary election.…”

Section: Unfavourable Changes In Local/county Election Systemmentioning

confidence: 98%

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Politics Without Meso-Level? No Politics at the Meso?

Kovács

2021

Front. Polit. Sci.

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The paper examines the role of meso-level governance in the Hungarian political system focusing on the county self-governments. The objective of the author is to introduce the consequences of the lack of meso-level politics for the backslide of the democratic system. The paper focusing on Hungarian counties seeks to explore the three-decade-long process leading to the progressive elimination of these bodies from the public power arena. The Hungarian case demonstrates how the overall administrative and political centralisation process has contributed to the hollowing-out of meso-level political actors. The Hungarian case study underlines the complex interrelations between the macro-political system, and the territorial political governmental arenas from the aspect of the centre and periphery power relations. Many European regional governments are not only platforms for territorial interest representation but also a counterweight to the central level contributing to the quality and stability of democratic governance. The study reviewing the situation of Hungarian counties draws on the author’s previous empirical research experiences and is a part of the ongoing research on governance issues of peripheral areas1. The results of the analyses discuss the implications of the hollowing-out of county governments on the electoral and party system, the modification of the institutional channels of interest representation. The Hungarian example appears to corroborate the analogy with the theory of second order elections. The theory of second order elections recognized the impact on the turnout and electoral preferences based on the changing role of different governance levels, by the same token, it seems that the weakening power position of the meso contributes to the decline of political competition and publicity by minimizing the interest of the public in general. The objective of the present study is to enrich the assessment of the relationship between territorial governance and democracy with some analytical options by demonstrating the implications of the “second order nature” of the meso.

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Section: Election Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Unfavourable Changes In Local/county Election Systemmentioning

confidence: 98%

Politics Without Meso-Level? No Politics at the Meso?

Kovács

2021

Front. Polit. Sci.

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“…55 Voters seem to electorally punish nationally governing parties 56 and voter turnout is reduced relative to general elections. 57 generally, the nationwide turnout level is moderate in regional elections (between a low of 29.6 percent in 2004 and a high of 40.3 percent in 2008), lower than general (by approx. 20 percent) and municipal elections (by approx.…”

Section: Data and Research Designmentioning

confidence: 91%

The Unintended Costs and Unfulfilled Promises of Concurrent Elections: A Natural Experiment on Turnout and Invalid Voting

Lysek

Kouba

2021

East European Politics and Societies: and Cultures

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Holding two second-order elections simultaneously is expected to increase electoral participation. We exploit a natural experiment in which one group of Czech precincts was “as if” randomly assigned to holding subnational elections concurrently with senatorial ones. Using a unique data set containing variables on more than thirteen thousand precincts in five elections between 2000 and 2016, we detect a modest effect of concurrency only in the first election but no or inconsistent effect in the four subsequent contests. Furthermore, we report a strong effect of concurrency on invalid voting. We check for robustness using difference-in-differences design and matching techniques. Incongruent with existing theories, concurrency does not deliver on its promises and may come at a substantial cost to political representation. The surprising null effect on turnout is attributable to analyzing the effect of concurrency of the less salient on more salient elections.

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“…In the late 1990s, the Czech Republic introduced a comprehensive administrative reform that saw the introduction of 14 regions with some executive and legislative authority enshrined in regional governments and parliaments (Baun and Marek 2006). Since 2002, KSČM has entered into regional governments in 12 of those (only the Prague and Liberec regions have not had communist participation in regional government), experiencing a significant rise in support at the 2012 regional elections (Ryšavý 2013) and decline in 2016 (Pink and Eibl 2018). This suggests that its party organization across the Czech Republic maintains significant organizational capabilities to engage with communities.…”

Section: Hollowed-out Engagementmentioning

confidence: 99%

Czech Stalemate? The Role of Party Organization for the Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia since 2010

Bankov

2020

European Review

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Almost three decades after the regime change in Central and Eastern Europe, some of the political parties that were successors of the communists continue to enjoy important electoral support. This article makes an attempt to understand why this happens and focuses on the role of the party organization. It includes a qualitative analysis on the typical case of the Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia (KSČM) based on a series of semi-structured interviews with party cadres and independent researchers. These interviews reveal that the stable territorial distribution of their performance amidst significant electoral volatility since 2010 highlights an organizational impasse within the party.

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The 2016 Czech regional elections: Without real regional parties or voters’ interest

Cited by 9 publications

References 0 publications

Politics Without Meso-Level? No Politics at the Meso?

Politics Without Meso-Level? No Politics at the Meso?

The Unintended Costs and Unfulfilled Promises of Concurrent Elections: A Natural Experiment on Turnout and Invalid Voting

Czech Stalemate? The Role of Party Organization for the Communist Party of Bohemia and Moravia since 2010

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