The Aboriginal Franchise and Its Consequences

Abstract

This article traces the expansion (and contraction) of the Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander franchise for Commonwealth, state and territory elections, and to a lesser extent local government elections; it outlines the arguments made for (and against) Aboriginal enfranchisement; and it examines alternative accounts of what drove the expansion (and contraction) of the vote. It pulls together data on Aboriginal enrolment, political awareness and party support, particularly in the Northern Territory. And it examines divergent views about the consequences of Aborigines having the vote: claims that the franchise is an empty formality; claims that it has allowed Aborigines to be manipulated; and claims that it has generated benefits — symbolic, expressive and instrumental.

Is voting skin-deep? Estimating the effect of candidate ballot photographs on election outcomes

“…As in the deep south of the United States, the Northern Territory is a jurisdiction where racial politics have typically been important (Goot, 2006;Jaensch, 2002;Worthington, 2001). We therefore expect that Indigenous voters will prefer candidates who support extending land rights and benefits to the Indigenous community, while non-Indigenous voters will tend to oppose such candidates.…”

The Electoral and Political Implications of Reserved Seats for Indigenous Australians

“…2 Goot (2006) provided an authoritative and detailed analysis of Aboriginal enfranchisement and its consequences. 3 Neville Bonner was a senator from 1971 to 1983, Aden Ridgeway was also a senator from 1998 to 2005, while Ken Wyatt became the first Indigenous member of the House of Representatives in 2010. role adequately'.…”

Constitutional recognition and reform: developing an inclusive Australian citizenship through treaty

“…Debate persists as to whether this shift in policy is responsible for the extension of the franchise to all Indigenous peoples at the Commonwealth level in 1962, but it is undeniable that 'a certain philosophical consistency' exists between enfranchisement and assimilation (Chesterman 2005, 18;Goot 2006). Indeed, in introducing the legislation extending the franchise, the Minister for the Interior, Gordon Freeth, expressed hope that it would 'proclaim to the world that…the Aboriginal people of Australia enjoy complete political equality with the rest of the [white Australian] community' (Hansard 1962, 861), while Hasluck lauded its passage as 'one step further towards the ideal of one people in one continent' (Hansard 1962(Hansard , 1771.…”