The Absence of Islands in Akan: The Role of Resumption

While strong islands generally constitute domains from which extraction is not possible, it has been observed that under certain conditions, they may allow DP but not PP gaps. Based on the recent literature on Asante Twi (Kwa, Ghana) and on novel data from Limbum (Grassfields Bantu, Cameroon), this paper shows that strong island configurations in these two African languages are permeable to nominal extractees without restrictions, but the otherwise admissible movement of VPs and PPs is blocked. As DP-displacement from islands shows properties of A¯-movement; an explanation in terms of base-generation and binding of a covert resumptive pronoun, which is only available for nominal elements, is not feasible. Taking into account the overall distribution of overt and covert resumptive pronouns, for Asante Twi, an account of the selective island permeability in terms of repair by resumption, as suggested in previous literature, might be possible. For the Limbum pattern, however, this paper argues that such an approach seems implausible. It then goes on to develop an analysis of selective island permeability based on the distribution of ϕ-features and their interaction with complementizer agreement.

Category-Sensitive Escape from Islands in Limbum and Asante Twi

Hein

2024

The That-Trace Effect—A Surface or a Deep Island Phenomenon? Evidence from Resumption and Prolepsis in Igbo

Amaechi,

Georgi

2024

In many languages, a subject/non-subject Ā-extraction asymmetry can be observed: While non-subject extraction is unproblematic, long extraction of the subject requires repair strategies. This phenomenon is known as the that-trace effect. Two broad types of approaches to this effect have been proposed in the literature: (a) structural accounts that prohibit subject extraction in the syntax; (b) surface-oriented PF accounts according to which nothing blocks long subject movement in the syntax, but a surface filter prohibits the output string where a trace follows the complementizer. In this paper, we argue for a syntactic cause of the effect in Igbo (Benue-Congo, Nigeria). The empirical evidence centers around the distribution of resumptive pronouns in the language. We show that Igbo has all the ingredients required for a PF approach to the that-trace effect (viz., long Ā-movement and trace spell-out); nevertheless, it does not apply them to enable long subject extraction but rather resorts to prolepsis (among other strategies). Further evidence against a PF account comes from the impossibility of short subject extraction. Finally, we provide evidence from subextraction from subjects for an antilocality component underlying the subject extraction restriction in Igbo.

Escape from Noun Complement Clauses in Avatime

Major,

Torrence

2024

This paper discusses the status of island phenomena in Avatime, an endangered Kwa language of Ghana. We focus on clausal adjuncts, specifically noun complement clauses (NCCs). We show that while standard adjuncts are strong islands in Avatime, NCCs allow argument extraction. We suggest that this is related to the fact that NCCs in Avatime are not a type of relative clause. Instead, NCCs involve a kind of serial verb construction, which independently allows for extraction.