The aerodynamics of nasalization in French

Delvaux, Véronique; Demolin, Didier; Harmegnies, Bernard; Soquet, Alain

doi:10.1016/j.wocn.2008.02.002

Cited by 53 publications

(52 citation statements)

References 37 publications

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“…For the present analysis, this framework allows us to locate the cross-linguistic difference between Taiwanese and French in Phonetic Realization, which has some support in the literature (Chang et al, 2011;Delvaux et al, 2008;Parkinson, 1983), while keeping other components of the grammar the same. The difference in phonetic realization is formalized with the different ranking of an alignment constraint constraint on nasality, relative to other constraints.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 71%

“…(3) Attested combinations of voiced onsets and vowels in French (Delvaux et al, 2008) ba 'low' ma 'my' bÃ 'bench' mÃ '(he) lies'…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…The Taiwanese data are interesting mainly because they present a case where cross-linguistic differences in the phonetics of nasality correlate with attested surface phonotactics: French and Portuguese, which do not have the gaps in surface phonotactic patterns that Taiwanese have, differ from Taiwanese in having delayed nasalization in nasal vowels (Chang et al, 2011;Delvaux et al, 2008;Parkinson, 1983). I will demonstrate that an analysis with Dispersion Theory is able to connect the phonetic properties and the difference in attested surface phonotactic patterns.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…(4) Nasal airflow in Taiwanese and French (Chang et al, 2011) Taiwanese The delayed nasalization of nasal vowels in French following a non-nasal onset is also reported in Delvaux et al (2008). Their aerodynamic data showed that while around 80% of the instances of nasal vowels had their nasality start at the vocalic onset or even earlier, the trend for vowels following stops was the opposite: around 80% of the instances of nasal vowels after a stop had delayed nasalization, where nasal airflow started at the 15-20% point into the vowel.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

See 3 more Smart Citations

A Dispersion-Theoretic Account of Taiwanese CV phonotactics

Wang

2017

AMP

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In Taiwanese, oral voice consonants and nasal stops are in complementary distribution in the onset position: oral voiced consonants only precede phonemically oral vowels, and nasal stops only precede nasal vowels. Similar restriction in the distribution of these segments is not found in other languages with phonemic nasal vowels, such as French and Portuguese. Following studies showing that Taiwanese nasal vowels are fully nasalized, while French and Portuguese ones have delay in nasality (Chang et al., 2011; Delvaux et al., 2008; Parkinson, 1983), this study proposes a Dispersion-Theoretic account to connect phonetic observation about vocalic nasality to the phonotactic restrictions on voicing and nasality. Using a three-stage analysis (Flemming 2006, 2008), where Phonetic Realization is a distinct component of the grammar, the analysis is show how a cross-linguistic different in phonetic implementation of nasality is able to derive differences in surface phonotactics. The analysis also makes explicitly testable predictions about the perception and the typology of the distributions of voiced and nasal segments.

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Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 71%

“…(3) Attested combinations of voiced onsets and vowels in French (Delvaux et al, 2008) ba 'low' ma 'my' bÃ 'bench' mÃ '(he) lies'…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

See 2 more Smart Citations

A Dispersion-Theoretic Account of Taiwanese CV phonotactics

Wang

2017

AMP

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“…Due to the centralization of /ɛ / in NMF, the resulting increase of F1 and decrease of F2 may enhance the percept of nasalization (Delvaux, 2009;Delvaux et al, 2008;Engwall et al, 2006;Wright, 1975). Engwall et al (2006) found that there was almost no difference in velopharyngeal opening between the productions of /ɛ / and /ɛ/ for one of the four speakers studied.…”

Section: Discussionmentioning

confidence: 99%

Comparative Morphology of the Hominin and African Ape Hyoid Bone, a Possible Marker of the Evolution of Speech

2013

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Vowel nasalisation in Scottish Gaelic: No evidence for incomplete neutralisation in initial mutation

Morrison

2020

Morphology

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The existence of incomplete neutralisation in connection with processes like final devoicing is well-known, but little work exists on typologically more uncommon morphological processes such as Celtic initial mutation. This paper reviews the small existing literature on incomplete neutralisation in initial mutation, showing that no convincing evidence has been found so far, and presents a new nasal airflow study on four speakers of Scottish Gaelic that adds to these negative results. Radical initial /p/ and /m/ in Scottish Gaelic are neutralised to [v] under the lenition mutation. Vowels following radical initial /m/ in Scottish Gaelic may display either categorical phonological nasalisation or gradient phonetic nasalisation. Nasal airflow in items with radical initial /p/ and /m/ is measured in order to determine whether the degree of vowel nasalisation after [v] in lenited forms is sensitive to the identity of the corresponding radical consonant. LME model comparison finds that only categorical phonological nasalisation, and not gradient phonetic nasalisation, may be subject to morphological conditioning. This is at odds with widespread existing findings for processes such as final devoicing, where the gradient phonetic properties of neutralised segments display sensitivity to paradigmatic effects. The absence of incomplete neutralisation in initial mutation is consistent with recent proposals that restrict the types of morphophonological processes that may bring about incomplete neutralisation to highly transparent, phonetically natural processes involving conflict between word-specific morphological pressures and language-wide phonotactic constraints. These findings can inform us about the structure of the mental lexicon and the derivation of morphologically complex forms.

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The aerodynamics of nasalization in French

Cited by 53 publications

References 37 publications

A Dispersion-Theoretic Account of Taiwanese CV phonotactics

A Dispersion-Theoretic Account of Taiwanese CV phonotactics

Comparative Morphology of the Hominin and African Ape Hyoid Bone, a Possible Marker of the Evolution of Speech

Vowel nasalisation in Scottish Gaelic: No evidence for incomplete neutralisation in initial mutation

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