The Affective Politics of the Precariat: Reconsidering Alternative Histories of Grassroots Worker Organising

Abstract

This article engages with Guy Standing's arguments about the affective politics of the precariat by reflecting on the conditions that facilitate, as well as constrain, the solidaristic transformation of the precariat. After evaluating Standing's Polanyian theory of social change based on assumptions about the destructive tendencies of neo-liberal capitalism and a liberal politics of hope, it offers two critical interventions. First, celebrating the solidaristic traditions of the past industrial era erases historical patterns of labour organising that were quite exclusionary for traditional denizens such as women, non-white immigrants and people of colour in the United States. Second, a top-down approach to solidaristic transformation neglects alternative histories of grassroots worker organising around nonwork social identities and communities. This historical erasure and neglect overlooks how oppressed and socially devalued workers have sought to challenge the fundamental gap between reality and rhetoric under liberal capitalist democracy, a key predicament for long-standing members of the precariat that persists in today's global era of pervasive inequality and precarity. KEY WORDSlabour politics; precarity; grassroots organising; affective politics Guy Standing's new book A Precariat Charter: From Denizens to Citizens lays out an ambitious programme for change. Rather than focus solely on the causes of deepening insecurity, injustice and inequality in the current era of global precarity, Standing emphasises that it is time to focus on solutions. "We need a counter-strategy oriented to the needs, aspirations and insecurities of the precariat", says Standing (2014: 93), especially the millions of people denied the rights, recognition and social safety net granted to citizens. Towards this end A Precariat Charter outlines 29 Articles to guide policy makers and civil-society actors who strive to bring about a different world -one in which thriving rather than surviving is the order of the day. Some notable Articles include: the need for a "broader concept of work", including recognising "unpaid care work as work" (Article 1); the creation of a diverse array of collective associations -including but not limited to labour unionsthat promote the voice, agency, creativity and solidarity of the precariat (Article 5); various strategies to end the discrimination and dehumanisation of migrant workers (Articles 11-15); and a basic income that guarantees the economic security of all people, regardless of age, gender, race, marital status, labour status, disability and other axes of social difference (Article 25).The emphasis on solutions, rather than problems, is inspired largely by the recent upsurge in popular unrest. From the myriad protests opposing economic austerity in Europe to the Arab Spring

Citizenship and work in global capitalism: From domination to aspiration

“…20–25). Intentionally or unintentionally, working‐class movements may reinforce exclusionary forms of citizenship (Chun, ). The 2016 presidential campaign and election of Donald Trump in the United States represented a revealing example.…”

Professors-in-Training or Precarious Workers? Identity, Coalition Building, and Social Movement Unionism in the 2015 University of Toronto Graduate Employee Strike

“…Literature has examined how unions, particularly in the United States but also in Canada, have adopted social movement practices as a means of gaining ground in campaigns and with the aim of allying with particular groups (Chun 2016; Duffy 2010; Johnston 1994; Kirton 2015; Robinson 2000; Sullivan 2010; Vallas 2016). The motivations for the adoption of social movement practices vary based on context—for example, in the United States, they are largely in response to “bread and butter” business unionism (Robinson 2000).…”

“…Literature on SMU departs in focus from the collective bargaining and legal framework analyzed in industrial relations (e.g., Carrell and Heavrin 2013; Huxley 2012; Kochan and Katz 1988; Marsden 2004; Reitz and Verma 2004). Scholars of SMU suggest we should look at dimensions “away from the bargaining table” like worker identity, coalition building, and demands in the name of social and economic justice like a living wage (Chun 2016; Chun and Agarwala 2013; Kirton 2015; Kirton and Healy 2013; Tattersall 2009).…”

Organizing Baristas in Halifax Cafes: Precarious Work and Gender and Class Identities in the Millennial Generation

“…However, there is a long history of queer and feminist organizing and alliance-building to effect change in law, public policy, and public discourse (Pullen et al, 2013;Warner, 2002). Resisting the gendered power dynamics that marginalize queer workers requires us to be realistic about the historical and contemporary limitations of traditional labor organizing-rates of unionization are in decline, and organizing precarious workers has been a challenge for labor unions-and to draw on existing social movements as sources of solidarity that will be necessary "to revitalize and expand the boundaries of labor by considering new forms of organizing, different workplaces, new issues" (Franzway and Fonow, 2009; see also Chun, 2016). The service and retail sectors may provide a productive opportunity to develop new strategies in labor-LGBTQ collaboration.…”