The Alignment of Arguments in Adjective Phrases

Stowell, Tim

doi:10.1163/9789004373198_007

Cited by 66 publications

(24 citation statements)

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“…This is also true of evaluative predicates, as in (29d), which, paceStowell Stowell 1991, do not implicate the mental state of the controller but merely judge his/her behavior from an external point of view (seeLandau 2009 for discussion). As discussed above, implicative verbs do introduce an experiencer, but his/her mental state does not affect the evaluation of the complement, which is uniformly entailed.Pearson (2013:411), followingGrano's (2012) analysis of try, encodes the intentions of the experiencer via an ordering source.…”

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confidence: 99%

A Two-Tiered Theory of Control

Landau¹

2015

119

122

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There is a persistent intuition running from the earliest to the most recent works on the topic, that obligatory control (OC) complements fall into two distinct types. In this study I recast this intuition in terms of the semantic distinction between attitude and nonattitude complements. I argue that the latter establish control by simple predication ("predicative control") but the former establish it by variable binding, where the bound variable is a projected coordinate of the embedded context of evaluation ("logophoric control"). I offer an explicit syntax-semantics analysis of the two types, utilizing the idea that logophoric control structures are constructed as a second tier above predicative control structures. In both, PRO figures as a minimal, featureless pronoun, which functions as a -abstractor upon movement. The analysis derives the obligatory de se reading of OC PRO as a special kind of de re attitude, without ascribing any inherent feature to PRO (a minimal pronoun). At the same time, it provides a principled explanation, based on feature transmission, for the agreement properties of PRO, which are stipulated on competing semantic accounts (the property theory and the indexical shift theory of OC). Importantly, it is capable of deriving a striking universal asymmetry between OC in attitude and non-attitude contexts: the fact that agreement on the embedded verb blocks the former but not the latter. This is handled by reference to the differential agreement properties of predication and variable binding. Further contrasts between the two types of OC follow, some of which unnoticed before, such as the visibility of implicit controllers and the [±human] value of PRO. I dedicate this work to all those who spend years and decades working on the same topic and never stop marveling at the most elementary puzzles that lured them in the first place.

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confidence: 99%

A Two-Tiered Theory of Control

Landau¹

2015

119

122

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“…In other words, these sentences do not say that Juan loses and gets the property of being cruel in different temporal intervals, or that during some interval he was cruel, but rather that there are actions characterised by Juan's cruelty that take place in some cases or are ongoing. Our proposal implements a suggestion by Stowell (1991), Arche (2006) and Martin (2008) -among many others-, which involves differentiating two distinct readings of evaluative adjectives: the state-of-mind one, which does not involve any action, and the behaviour one, which expresses that the characteristic properties of Juan are exhibited in particular actions. It is only the second reading that can be used in the progressive form.…”

Section: Juan Is Estar Being Ser Cruelmentioning

confidence: 96%

A guide to IL and SL in Spanish: Properties, problems and proposals

Fábregas

2012

Borealis

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Abstract. This article provides with a state of the art of how the Individual Level / Stage Level distinction –and the related but distinct issue of the distribution of ser / estar– is instantiated in Spanish. We argue that the IL / SL distinction can be understood in two different ways: as a contrast between properties predicated of an individual or of a stage of that individual, and as a contrast between temporally persistent properties and temporary ones. The paper ends with a specific proposal about how to capture the distinction inside a structural system.

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“…(12) # Juan es guapo regularmente Juan is ser handsome regularly Ser-clauses can also exhibit properties proper of events. As discussed in L a k o ff (1970), Stowell (1991), Chierchia (1995), Fernald (1999), Landau (2006, Arche (2006), Oshima (2009) or Fábregas et al (2013), with evaluative adjectives serclauses have the habitual interpretation as a possibility, which is a behavior typical of events. See (13).…”

Section: The Temporal Interpretation Of Copular Clausesmentioning

confidence: 99%

Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory 11

Perpiñán¹,

Heap²,

Moreno-Villamar³

et al. 2017

Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory

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The second article in this section "Towards a Unified Treatment of Spanish Copulas", by Arche, Fábregas, and Marín adds to the ongoing debate of the distribution of the Spanish copulas ser and estar by accounting for their alternation in adjectival and passive clauses in a unified way. They propose that the properties of passive clauses are due to the properties of the copulas and not the participles, and further argue that only estar has an additional component of central coincidence with a stative nature. Charnavel analyzes French scalar particles même, quand même, ne serait-ce que, and seulement and compares them to English particles even and only. Her article, "How French Sheds New Light on Scalar Particles" proposes a new theory based on specific characteristics such as scalarity, additivity, and exclusivity and provides new empirical evidence about these French particles, which, despite widespread assumptions, behave differently from their English counterparts. The last article of the Syntax-Semantics section is by Donazzan and Tovena and investigates the semantics of semelfactive predicates in Italian. In "Pluralities of Events: Semelfactives and a Case of 'Single Event' Nominalisation", the authors analyze the notion of plurality and unity of events by looking at the two possible readings that ata-nominalisations, i.e.: nuotata, ombrellata, receive in instrument semelfactive verbs. They conclude that semelfactives, in their processive readings, have to considered activity predicates. The second section of the volume includes articles on Morphosyntax, beginning with "Laísmo and 'le-for-les': To Agree or not to Agree?", by Adolfo Ausín and Francisco J. Fernández-Rubiera, a novel exploration of an old problem in nonstandard Spanish pronominal paradigms. They propose a unified account for three apparently unrelated phenomena: the presence of the accusative clitic, the presence/ absence of number agreement in the dative clitic ('le-for-les'), and the presence/absence of gender agreement in the dative clitic in laísta dialects ('le-for-la'). They propose that agreement in these two nonstandard dative clitic constructions is related

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The Alignment of Arguments in Adjective Phrases

Cited by 66 publications

References 0 publications

A Two-Tiered Theory of Control

A Two-Tiered Theory of Control

A guide to IL and SL in Spanish: Properties, problems and proposals

Romance Languages and Linguistic Theory 11

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