The Alive and Well Transatlantic Security Community: A Theoretical Reply to                 Michael Cox

Pouliot, Vincent

doi:10.1177/1354066106061332

Cited by 61 publications

(30 citation statements)

References 14 publications

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“…2 A security community is 'a transnational region comprised of sovereign states whose people maintain dependable expectations of peaceful change' -peaceful change meaning 'neither the expectation of nor the preparation for organized violence as a means to settle interstate disputes' (Adler & Barnett, 1998b: 30, 34). 3 Contrary to a widespread view, thus, security communities are not characterized by the absence of disputes but rather by the fact that disputes are systematically solved peacefully (Pouliot, 2006).…”

Section: The Constructivist Research Program On Security Communitiesmentioning

confidence: 94%

“…High scores on these indicators are characteristic of 'mature' security communities such as the West European community (Waever, 1998;Bellamy, 2004: 63-87), the North American community (Shore, 1998;Roussel, 2004) or the TSC (Risse- Kappen, 1995Kappen, , 1996Ruggie, 1998: 229-239;Pouliot, 2006). Lower scores indicate earlier phases of developmentnascent or ascendant.…”

Section: The Constructivist Research Program On Security Communitiesmentioning

confidence: 96%

“…A militarized understanding of the 'war on terrorism', the belief in the legitimacy of pre-emptive strikes, and the aggravated fear of nuclear proliferation are all topics of agreement between Putin and Bush, while Europeans and Canadians are more reserved. 12 In the aftermath of the Iraq crisis, the intersubjective basis of the TSC is being renegotiated, including its security culture (Pouliot, 2006). Against this backdrop of 'power politics of peace', the most remarkable development is Russia's emergence as an (almost) 'insider' in transatlantic debates.…”

Section: The Emergence Of a Nascent Russian-atlantic Security Community?mentioning

confidence: 98%

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Pacification Without Collective Identification: Russia and the Transatlantic Security Community in the Post-Cold War Era

Pouliot

2007

Journal of Peace Research

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Does the emergence of a security community require a collective identity? This constitutive relationship has been hypothesized by prominent scholars from Deutsch to Adler & Barnett. Yet the Russian-Atlantic case shows that collective identification is not a necessary condition for a nascent security community to emerge. In less than two decades, the relationship between Russia and the transatlantic community has quickly transformed from a deep-seated rivalry structured by the specter of mutual assured destruction to a partnership in which the possibility of military confrontation has undeniably receded. Although bones of contention and power struggles continue to abound, empirical indicators attest to the emergence of a nascent Russian-Atlantic security community. But survey data also show that Russian and Western peoples do not meaningfully identify with one another. While the lack of weness certainly helps explain the striking instability of the post-Cold War rapprochement between Russia and the transatlantic community, it also recalls the need for constructivists to pay attention to other variables than mutual representations in the study of international peace. As a way forward, the article advocates a practice turn in the study of security communities: peace exists as a social fact when diplomacy becomes the self-evident practice among security elites to solve interstate disputes.

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Section: The Constructivist Research Program On Security Communitiesmentioning

confidence: 94%

Section: The Constructivist Research Program On Security Communitiesmentioning

confidence: 96%

Section: The Emergence Of a Nascent Russian-atlantic Security Community?mentioning

confidence: 98%

See 1 more Smart Citation

Pacification Without Collective Identification: Russia and the Transatlantic Security Community in the Post-Cold War Era

Pouliot

2007

Journal of Peace Research

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“…Pouliot (2006), for instance, argues that the Iraqi episode in fact illustrated that the transatlantic community is alive and well, given that it managed to peacefully resolve this political dispute. According to Lindberg (2005), the collision over Iraq was nothing more than the result of rhetorical speeches and inflammatory language that had little or no effect on reality.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 97%

US transatlantic leadership after Iraq

Paquin¹,

Beauregard²

2014

Cooperation and Conflict

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This article explores whether the United States has been able to exert transatlantic leadership since its head-on diplomatic collision with several European capitals over the 2003 Iraq war. Considering that the decision to invade Iraq was made by the Bush administration, this article also explores whether there has been consistency between the Bush and Obama administrations over transatlantic leadership. To answer these questions, this article reports on a computerassisted content analysis of the 415 official statements issued by the core transatlantic allies, namely the United States, France, and Britain, in response to four major crises that have occurred in the Middle East and North Africa in the post-Iraq era. This analysis provides qualitative and quantitative evidence leading to four main conclusions. Firstly, US leadership has endured in the post-Iraq era. Secondly, in most cases, France and Britain have aligned their diplomatic positions with those of the United States. Thirdly, the analysis confirms that there is a special Anglo-American relationship. Fourthly and lastly, there has been consistency between the Bush and Obama administrations, with the exception of the US response to the Libyan crisis, which suggests the emergence of a US 'leading from behind' transatlantic strategy.

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“…Despite the extent and breadth of the crisis, many scholars refused to believe in the possibility of change in Atlantic politics. They maintained that the US and Europe still constituted an almost perfect security community (Risse, 2004;Pouliot, 2006) committed to fighting terrorism and spreading democracy, human rights and good governance. In 'Beyond the West', Michael Cox challenged this optimism and its key assumption: the US and Europe were so bound by ideology, interests and institutions that a major disagreement or rupture between them was very unlikely (Cox, 2005).…”

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confidence: 97%

Europe and America: Still Worlds Apart on the International Criminal Court

Aronsson¹

2011

Eur Polit Sci

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The transatlantic crisis of 2003 was not only about the Iraq War. It concerned a range of foreign policy issues, as well as commitments to multilateralism and security institutions more broadly. The dispute over the International Criminal Court (ICC), for example, was frequently cited as evidence of a transatlantic rupture or a growing gap between Europe and America. The US proved deeply ambivalent about the idea of a permanent court with independent powers and weary about limiting its own foreign policy maneuverability. The European debate, while internally fragmented, generally supported a Court that mirrored its own structures, cut across power politics and extended a legal regime internationally. Barack Obama's election brought a new wave of optimism in transatlantic relations as many expected his foreign policies would be more aligned with European priorities. The tone improved decidedly in 2009, and because of political and humanitarian crises in Sudan the US prepared itself to engage constructively with the ICC. Nevertheless, as this article demonstrates, the US and Europe are still worlds apart on the ICC and the international legal order that it represents.

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The Alive and Well Transatlantic Security Community: A Theoretical Reply to Michael Cox

Cited by 61 publications

References 14 publications

Pacification Without Collective Identification: Russia and the Transatlantic Security Community in the Post-Cold War Era

Pacification Without Collective Identification: Russia and the Transatlantic Security Community in the Post-Cold War Era

US transatlantic leadership after Iraq

Europe and America: Still Worlds Apart on the International Criminal Court

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