The Art and Archaeology of Pashash

An examination of Recuay kaolin pottery production and exchange through petrography and LA‐ICP‐MS (100–700 CE; Ancash, Peru)

“…Questions remain about where ancient peoples extracted kaolin and to what extent the clay and finished objects can be linked to Recuay political and social organization. Recuay material culture generally shows great variability, and there is no evidence for state integration, a single dominant political center, or a “capital.” The larger Recuay settlements, such as Pashash and Yayno (Grieder, 1978; Lau, 2010b), may have been influential population centers of production or distribution (c. 300–700 ce ). Both contain monumental house compounds of wealthy Recuay groups with dense built‐up cores (c. 30 ha) on hilltops, surrounded by nearby hamlets and production areas (e.g., fields, canals, corrals, and pastures).…”

“…The material culture styles at and around Pashash and Yayno (northern area) and Huaraz and Katak (southern area) are sufficiently different to suggest largely coeval but independent crafting groups. This includes stone scupltures (Schaedel, 1952), stonemasonry and layouts in monumental architecture (Grieder, 1978), and pottery (Grávalos, 2021; Lau, 2011). Grieder (1978, pp.…”

“…This includes stone scupltures (Schaedel, 1952), stonemasonry and layouts in monumental architecture (Grieder, 1978), and pottery (Grávalos, 2021; Lau, 2011). Grieder (1978, pp. 76–101) argued for locally based artisans at Pashash due to potters’ marks, possibly wheel‐thrown ring bases, and patterns in hand‐modeling and painting.…”

Linguistic connections between the Altiplano region and the Amazonian lowlands

“…Excavations in contemporary monumental enclosures high above the valley bottom, on the nearby prominent hilltop of Gotushjirka (3,200 m), have revealed abundant evidence of ritual feasting. Elsewhere (Herrera 2006) I have suggested that circular kancha enclosures may have served to host periodic gatherings of distinct mortuary and ceremonial communities that shared roots with the north Andean Recuay tradition (c. 200 bc-ad 800) long hypothesized by Terence Grieder (1978) as borne by Culle speakers. Such an interpretation would fit well with a top-down model, in line with pre-Inca verticality.…”