The British Missionary Enterprise since 1700

Cox, Jeffrey N.

doi:10.4324/9780203936214

Cited by 66 publications

(53 citation statements)

References 0 publications

Supporting

Mentioning

Contrasting

Order By: Relevance

“…4. To name but a few: Beidelmann (1982); Comaroff and Comaroff (1994); Cox (2002aCox ( , 2002b; Etherington (2005); Hall (2002); Peel (2000); Porter (2004); Thorne (1999); and Twells (2009). 5.…”

Section: Dénouementmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Ojibwe Renaissance: Transnational Evangelicalism and the Making of an Algonquian Intelligentsia, 1812–1867

Penner

2015

American Review of Canadian Studies

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

Between the War of 1812 and the emergence of a self-sufficient Canadian Methodism in the 1850s, the combination of geopolitical instability, transatlantic evangelicalism, indigenous and settler enthusiasm for religious revival, and the ideas of romantic nationalism produced a distinctly Ojibwe Christianity. This Christianity is known to us primarily through the letters, journals, and publications of a small group of Algonquian-speaking intellectuals educated in American colleges who mobilized the ideology and institutional networks of the Protestant missionary project to mount a vigorous challenge to the encroachments of settler colonialism occurring on both sides of the Great Lakes. Ojibwe Christians participated in a movement to transform the world into a multiracial Christian commonwealth, a movement within which they could remain committed to a historiographical and nation-building project meant to establish an autonomous, or at least semiautonomous, Indian polity within the imperialist state.In the spring of 1838, the Ojibwe missionary Peter Jones (Kahkewahquonaby) took a break from the rigors of a fund-raising tour in southwest Cornwall to visit the remains of a "Druidical temple" called Carn Brea. 1 The region was a hotbed of Methodist revivalism and he had preached to standing-room only crowds in Camborne, Gwennap, and St. Ives Smith (1987). 2 He was so impressed by the piety and generosity of the Cornish that he described the region as the most Methodistical he had ever visited. But at Carn Brea, Jones had the chance to get away from packed chapels and to wander quietly among ancient stones on a grassy hilltop. He was a man obsessed with how the history of the Algonquian-speaking peoples of the Great Lakes, and the Indians of North America as a whole, were to fit into the grander and universal history of Christianity. His brief respite from the draining schedule of endless teas, speeches, and sermons offered a valuable opportunity to meditate on this task. For Jones the tension between the personal experience of his Christianity, and the theatrical account of his conversion from savagery that the British so enjoyed, was painful. He once described the feathers and buckskins he wore to entertain white audiences as an "odious Indian costume" (Wyatt 2009). Yet here, on the hills of Cornwall, was tangible evidence that Europeans also had a dark, uncivilized past. The locals had once offered human sacrifices to their gods in such places, Jones recorded in his journal, and he was shown the hollows in the rocks where the blood of the poor slain creatures had been collected. "Surely," he ended his entry, "God has done much for England" (Jones 1860, 398).Jones belonged to a generation of Algonquian intellectuals who came of age in the years after the War of 1812, and the ironic relativism of this anecdote is illustrative of their attitudes toward British and American colonialism. Their published writing suggests that American Review of Canadian Studies, 2015 Vol. 45, No. 1, 71-92, http://dx.

show abstract

Section: Dénouementmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Ojibwe Renaissance: Transnational Evangelicalism and the Making of an Algonquian Intelligentsia, 1812–1867

Penner

2015

American Review of Canadian Studies

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

show abstract

“…They assert that missionaries viewed others through a "double vision" that accounted for their Christian belief in the spiritual equality of all humans while maintaining the superiority of British culture. 12 This essay builds on this more nuanced view of religion, but it argues that during the interwar years, religion served as a bridge between missionary women and colonized women, acting to subvert in particular instances the racial and cultural boundaries that had been erected in prior decades. As both Shaw and Hooper adopted versions of fulfillment theology with its tenet that "the kingdom of God was embryonically present in all humanity, but completely expressed only in the life and teachings of the perfect Son, Jesus," they gained appreciation for aspects of African culture.…”

Section: mentioning

confidence: 99%

“…rather than extending "condescending love." 73 British missionaries had little choice but to listen to their colonized fellow believers if they hoped to keep missions relevant and growing. Ideas of mutuality were also debated among missionary women.…”

Section: Friendship As Ecumenical Imperativementioning

confidence: 99%

Visions of Friendship and Equality: Representations of African Women in Missionary Propaganda in Interwar Britain

Hughes¹

2014

jcha

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

During the interwar years, British evangelical women began to promote African women as worthy of friendship and equality. These representations differed not only from Victorian images of African women, but also those popularized by interwar secular writers. This article argues that the two most prolific female missionary writers of the interwar period, Mabel Shaw and Cicely Hooper, promoted these positive images while working as educators of African women. As feminists, these evangelicals valued African women, and as adherents of fulfillment theology popularized in ecumenical missionary discourse, they admired features of African culture that they believed were divinely inspired. By the late 1920s, these missionary women generated even more favourable images of African women, as they feared Western materialism was disintegrating African home life. Thus, this article demonstrates the liminal position of missionary women tethered to audiences in Britain, Africa, and the growing ecumenical Church. It also points to the importance of the interwar years as a key period in which ideas about race, gender, and culture were being reworked. While these missionary women did not erase boundaries of difference between themselves and African women, they invited Britons to join them in building cross-cultural, cross-racial friendships.Pendant l’entre-deux-guerres, des femmes évangélistes du Royaume-Uni ont commencé à défendre l’idée que les femmes d’Afrique étaient dignes d’amitié et d’égalité. Ces images de l’Africaine différaient non seulement de celles que nous avait léguées l’époque victorienne, mais aussi de celles que les auteurs laïques de l’entre-deux-guerres avaient répandues. Le présent article soutient que les deux missionnaires-écrivaines les plus prolifiques de l’entre-deux-guerres, Mabel Shaw et Cicely Hooper, ont présenté ces images positives tout en oeuvrant comme éducatrices auprès des Africaines. En tant que féministes, ces évangélistes appréciaient les Africaines et à titre d’adeptes de la théologie de l’accomplissement, vulgarisée dans le discours oecuménique des missionnaires, elles admiraient des traits de la culture africaine qu’elles estimaient divinement inspirés. Vers la fin des années 1920, ces femmes missionnaires ont propagé encore plus d’images favorables des Africaines à un moment où elles craignaient que le matérialisme occidental ne détruise la vie de famille africaine. Ainsi, le présent article illustre la position intermédiaire des femmes missionnaires qui étaient liées aux auditoires du Royaume-Uni, d’Afrique et du mouvement oecuménique grandissant. Il attire également l’attention sur l’importance de l’entre-deux-guerres, une période clé pendant laquelle les idées sur la race, le sexe et la culture étaient en pleine évolution. Bien que ces femmes missionnaires n’aient pas supprimé la distance qui les sépare des Africaines, elles ont invité les Britanniques à s’unir à elles pour établir des relations d’amitié interculturelles et interraciales

show abstract

“…In this way, we intend to use individual narratives to illuminate the larger processes of how Livingstone's legacy persists (Lorimer & Spedding 2005). In looking at these narratives, we do not provide a comprehensive history of missions in central African during the late colonial period, although we use the recent work in this area by Lyon, Cox and Stuart to provide the necessary context for our interviews (Lyon 1998;Cox 2008a;Stuart 2011). We will instead analyse how our interviewees' knowledge of Livingstone's life and career intersected with their own experiences of working as missionaries.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 99%

‘Pilgrimage to Chipundu’: Livingstone's Legacy among Scottish Missionaries in Northern Rhodesia/Zambia, 1950s–1970s

Dritsas

Haig

2013

Scottish Geographical Journal

View full text Add to dashboard Cite

The British Missionary Enterprise since 1700

Cited by 66 publications

References 0 publications

The Ojibwe Renaissance: Transnational Evangelicalism and the Making of an Algonquian Intelligentsia, 1812–1867

The Ojibwe Renaissance: Transnational Evangelicalism and the Making of an Algonquian Intelligentsia, 1812–1867

Visions of Friendship and Equality: Representations of African Women in Missionary Propaganda in Interwar Britain

‘Pilgrimage to Chipundu’: Livingstone's Legacy among Scottish Missionaries in Northern Rhodesia/Zambia, 1950s–1970s

Contact Info

Product

Resources

About