The British Political Tradition: Explaining the Fate of New Labour's Constitutional Reform Agenda

Marsh, David; Hall, Matthew

doi:10.1057/palgrave.bp.4200055

Cited by 51 publications

(34 citation statements)

References 18 publications

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“…Other authors have utilised this point to make the claim that this style of democracy, based around the underlying assumption that 'government knows best', represents the core feature of the 'British political tradition' (McAnulla, 2006;Marsh and Hall, 2007). For Marsh and Hall (2007, 20), the British political tradition is viewed as a heuristic device which represents a 'short form' for a 'dominant narrative about democracy in Britain'.…”

Section: Westminsterism and Modernalitymentioning

confidence: 96%

“…Secondly, and relatedly, we prefer to use the term 'Westminsterism' to denote the fact that the British political tradition of centralised leadership has historically been constructed and articulated through the discourse of the Westminster Model. While the use of this model is problematic in its own right, in that it offers an overly simplistic and caricatured view of the British political system, and one that it is now axiomatic to dismiss in favour of models of 'governance' (Rhodes, 1997;Marsh et al, 2001;Kerr and Kettell, 2006), the normative assumptions it contains are nonetheless still central to contemporary political activity in the UK (Judge, 1993;McAnulla, 2006;Bowles et al, 2007;Marsh and Hall, 2007). As Judge (2006, 390) puts it…”

Section: Westminsterism and Modernalitymentioning

confidence: 97%

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One Year On: The Decline and Fall of Gordon Brown

Kettell

Kerr

2008

Br Polit

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The first 12 months of Gordon Brown's tenure as prime minister have witnessed an unprecedented collapse in his political fortunes. Examining the reasons for this decline, this paper sets out to achieve three reasonably modest ambitions. Firstly, the principal aim is to provide a detailed summary of Brown's record throughout his first year at the helm. Secondly, utilising evidence drawn from poll data and media commentaries during the period June 2007-June 2008, it argues that Brown's problems cannot be explained by the type of factors that normally help elucidate government unpopularity, such as economic instability, party disunity, voter weariness, or indeed, significant policy failure. Thirdly, the paper sets out to suggest, in a manner which is candidly reflective rather than theoretically rigorous, that Brown's unpopularity owes more to his failure to measure up on two key aspects of contemporary political leadership in Britain; namely, what we term here as the twin values of 'Westminsterism' and 'modernality'. Whereas the former, stemming from the historically constructed confines of the Westminster Model, demands strong, decisive, and resolute decision making; the latter, which has its roots in the more recent discourse of party modernisation, demands the need for a media-savvy, 'celebrity' persona and a ceaseless drive for modernisation.

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Section: Westminsterism and Modernalitymentioning

confidence: 96%

Section: Westminsterism and Modernalitymentioning

confidence: 97%

One Year On: The Decline and Fall of Gordon Brown

Kettell

Kerr

2008

Br Polit

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“…In unpacking traditions, they do not convincingly address the question of whether there is a hegemonic tradition in British politics. For example, David Marsh and Matthew Hall (2007) argue that the Tory, Liberal, Whig and Socialist traditions have common characteristics relating to a narrow and elitist conception of British democracy. Elsewhere, Martin Smith (2008) suggests that they impose their own essentialism on the four traditions they identify as constitutive of the BPT.…”

Section: Political Biography and The British Political Traditionmentioning

confidence: 99%

The Case for Theoretical and Methodological Pluralism in British Political Studies: New Labour's Political Memoirs and the British Political Tradition

Diamond

Richards

2012

Political Studies Review

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This review article explores the memoirs of six major figures from the New Labour era, while also reflecting on the contribution made by this genre of memoirs and political autobiographies to the study of British politics. In so doing, it takes issue with the claim made by Rhodes that there is a tendency among political scientists in general, and UK political scientists in particular, to neglect political biographies or ‘life histories’ on the grounds that memoirs have little to offer the empirical study of politics. Contra Rhodes, the view presented here is that biography has made a tangible, yet often understated contribution to the field of political studies in Britain. We concentrate on what political biography can offer accounts that explore the complex relationship between ideas and institutions in British politics. Barber, M. (2007) Instruction to Deliver: Tony Blair, Public Services and the Challenge of Achieving Targets. London: Politico's. Blair, T. (2010) A Journey. London: Hutchinson. Darling, A. (2011) Back from the Brink: 1,000 Days at Number 11. London: Atlantic Books. Mandelson, P. (2010) The Third Man: Life at the Heart of New Labour. London: Harper Press. Powell, J. (2010) The New Machiavelli: How to Wield Power in the Modern World. London: Bodley Head. Prescott, J. (2008) Prezza: My Story: Pulling No Punches. London: Headline Review.

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“…Of all these, Scottish devolution was undoubtedly the most radical and expeditious but took place without any significant attempt to de-radicalize the original proposal, as compared with other reforms, such as e.g. Freedom of Information, which was significantly deradicalized, as well as the proposed Electoral Reform for Westminster, which did not take place (Marsh, Hall, 2007;Marsh, 2008).…”

Section: łUkasz Sorokowskimentioning

confidence: 99%

A struggle in the peripheries: a few remarks on devolution in the UK

Sorokowski

2014

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A struggle in the peripheries: a few remarks on devolution in the UKThe paper looks at the major issues underlying devolution in the United Kingdom, i.e. a process whereby the historically diverse areas and regions constituting the seemingly uniform state have been slowly striving for independence, along with the formation of local, regional and even national identities. Hinging on the idea of ‘multicultural citizenship’, the paper seeks to analyse the ongoing public discourse centered on the gradual transfer of centralized London-based power to local and regional bodies across the UK. This discourse forms the pivotal background of devolution, overtly pointing to the idea of the so-called ‘new opening’ of the entire British political scene, clearly promoting the notion of strengthening the position of Scotland, Wales, Northern Ireland, and English regions as increasingly autonomous geographical and cultural areas as part of a weakening monolith by the name of the United Kingdom. Resting almost entirely on historic tensions between British identity and Scottish identity, it is made clear that the Scottish public debate has basically neglected the issues of the assimilation of its cultural minorities with the ‘post-devolution’ reality. The devolution discourse stems from the rancorous debates and polemics which have taken place throughout the three hundred years of the Scottish and English Union, covering several social and political contexts, including the growing demands voiced by the SNP. Indeed, it has a major impact on the formation of Scots’ national distinctiveness alongside Scotland’s gradual emergence as a separate part of the British Isles. Walka na peryferiach: kilka uwag na temat procesu dewolucji w Wielkiej BrytaniiArtykuł omawia główne zagadnienia leżące u podstaw procesu dewolucyjnego w Zjednoczonym Królestwie, tj. stopniowego uniezależniania się historycznych krain – regionów współtworzących to pozornie jednolite państwo, oraz tworzenie się w tym procesie tożsamości lokalnych, regionalnych, a nawet narodowych. Bazując na pojęciu „obywatelstwa wielokulturowego”, dokonano analizy podjętego w tym państwie ożywionego dyskursu publicznego w kwestiach związanych ze stopniowym przekazywaniem władzy skupionej centralnie – w Londynie – instytucjom lokalnym i regionalnym. Dyskurs ten stanowi istotne zaplecze procesu dewolucji, wyraźnie wskazując na ideę tzw. „nowego otwarcia” całej brytyjskiej sceny politycznej, jednoznacznie promując umacnianie pozycji Szkocji, Walii i Irlandii Północnej oraz angielskich regionów jako niezależnych obszarów geograficzno-kulturowych w ramach słabnącego monolitu państwowego Zjednoczonego Królestwa. Dyskurs dewolucyjny ma swe źródła w burzliwych debatach i polemikach toczących się w ciągu trzystu lat istnienia unii angielsko-szkockiej. Obejmuje wiele środowisk społecznych i politycznych, w tym rosnącą w siłę Szkocką Partię Narodową (SNP) i ma istotny wpływ na kształtowanie się poczucia narodowej odrębności Szkotów oraz stopniowego umacniania pozycji tego „regionu – obszaru – kraju” na Wyspach Brytyjskich. Artykuł przybliża istotę dążeń odśrodkowych na przykładzie Szkocji, której coraz bardziej wyraziste dążenia niepodległościowe – ich apogeum jest zaplanowane na wrzesień referendum niepodległościowe – oznaczać będą istotne zmiany konstytucyjne, stanowiąc poważne wyzwanie dla spójności całego Zjednoczonego Królestwa. W ten sposób uwidacznia się istotny z punktu widzenia spójności kulturowej problem przyszłości tego państwa w obliczu możliwych dalszych zmian terytorialnych.

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The British Political Tradition: Explaining the Fate of New Labour's Constitutional Reform Agenda

Cited by 51 publications

References 18 publications

One Year On: The Decline and Fall of Gordon Brown

One Year On: The Decline and Fall of Gordon Brown

The Case for Theoretical and Methodological Pluralism in British Political Studies: New Labour's Political Memoirs and the British Political Tradition

A struggle in the peripheries: a few remarks on devolution in the UK

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