‘The Callous Credit Nexus’: Ideology and Compulsion in the Crisis of Neoliberalism

Law, Alex

doi:10.5153/sro.1958

Cited by 9 publications

(10 citation statements)

References 8 publications

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“…The concept of coercive commodification allows us to connect Gill's theoretical framework with the discipline of social policy and to open up the dynamics of disciplinary neoliberalism within the field of social policy practices. Previously mooted by Laws (2009) in discussions on the credit crunch, we suggest that further elaboration of the term resonates with how welfare states, and particularly liberal welfare states, have evolved under the rise, crisis and further entrenchment of disciplinary neoliberalism. In Esping-Andersen's (1990) work on de-commodification the emphasis was on the absence of compulsion.…”

Section: Disciplinary Neoliberalism Financialisation and Anglo-libermentioning

confidence: 80%

Discipline, debt and coercive commodification: Post-crisis neoliberalism and the welfare state in Ireland, the UK and the USA

Dukelow

Kennett

2018

Critical Social Policy

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Ireland, the UK and the USA are heterogeneous examples of liberal worlds of welfare capitalism yet all three countries were deeply implicated in the 2008 global financial crisis. Examining these three countries together provides the opportunity to further develop an international comparative political economy of instability in the context of the globalised and financialised dimensions of Anglo-liberal capitalism and disciplinary governance. Our analysis is guided by the concept of disciplinary neoliberalism (Gill, 1995) through which we explore: (i) the dynamics that have shaped the impacts of and responses to the Great Recession; (ii) the ways in which state-market relations, shaped by differentiated accommodations to market imperative or market discipline, have been used as disciplinary tools and how these have interacted with existing social divisions and iii) the implications for shaping conditions for resistance. We suggest that the neoliberal pathways of each country, whilst not

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Section: Disciplinary Neoliberalism Financialisation and Anglo-libermentioning

confidence: 80%

Discipline, debt and coercive commodification: Post-crisis neoliberalism and the welfare state in Ireland, the UK and the USA

Dukelow

Kennett

2018

Critical Social Policy

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“…It involved a frontal onslaught on the labour movement and the dismantling of formerly embedded social democratic institutions ('roll-back'), followed by the gradual commodification of huge new areas of social life and the creation of new institutions specifically constructed on neoliberal principles ('roll-out') (Peck and Tickell 2002, 40-45;Law 2009, Gramsci 1971.…”

Section: Social Neoliberalism 1992-2007mentioning

confidence: 99%

Between the crises: Migration politics and the three periods of neoliberalism

Mulvey

Davidson

2018

Capital & Class

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Between the two UK referendums on EC/EU membership, the issue of migration came to dominate the entire debate. The period between 1975 and 2016 corresponds almost exactly to the neoliberal era in capitalism, in its British manifestation, and this is not coincidental.This article traces the shifting periods of neoliberalism ('vanguard', 'social' and 'crisis') across these 40 years, focusing in each case on how the policies associated with them specifically impacted on migration into the UK. In particular, it will argue that the current migration crisis is at least partly an aspect of the wider crisis of neoliberalism as a form of capitalist organisation. It concludes that current levels of anti-migrant sentiment are a displaced expression of hostility to the social effects of neoliberalism, and which may nevertheless cause difficulties for British capital through the imposition of anti-free movement policies to which it is opposed.

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“…In Wales, the dramatic swing from a rejection of devolution in 1979 to support in 1997 is ostensibly rooted in these conditions of ‘crisis’; the attendant (ostensible) demise in British identity can be ‘attributed to eighteen years of conservative government in the United Kingdom, and particularly the impact of Thatcherism’ (Davies 2006: 116). Thatcherism has been interpreted as a crisis of hegemony (Law 2009; Nairn 1981), hence Mitchell’s (2007) argument that Thatcher must be understood as the ‘midwife’ of devolution (p. 3).…”

Section: Organic Crises? Thatcher As the ‘Midwife Of Devolution’mentioning

confidence: 99%

Welsh devolution as passive revolution

Evans

2018

Capital & Class

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Welsh devolution has not been adequately theorised. Following the narrow vote for Welsh devolution in 1997, many academics in Wales adopted a nakedly ‘celebratory’, uncritical view of devolution as a radical change to the British state, taking at face value the claim that it was designed to rejuvenate Welsh democracy. The power relations inherent to the transformation of the British state are rarely discussed in Wales. As a consequence, the developments which have occurred in Wales since devolution – political disengagement, the rise of the far right, the vote for Brexit – seem hard to grasp: it is simply presumed that something has ‘gone wrong’ with the application of devolution. This dominant way of thinking assumes that devolution was designed to ‘work’. Using Gramsci’s concept of passive revolution, this article argues that devolution to Wales (and Scotland) was a central plank of New Labour’s transformation of both the Labour Party and the British state. Building on a reading of the post-war British state as a historic bloc, I draw attention to the power relations inherent in Welsh devolution and the ‘top down’ nature of the process, which was led by the Labour party in order to preserve its hegemony in Wales and the United Kingdom as a whole. After outlining the political struggles and strategies of transformismo which occurred within the process of passive revolution, where hegemony is temporarily ‘thinned’, I contend that contemporary Wales represents a period of interregnum, where the old world (the traditional centralised British state) has died, but a new Welsh state cannot be born. As Gramsci predicted, this has led to the emergence of a host of ‘morbid symptoms’ in Wales. I conclude by reflecting on the nature of the interregnum and whether ‘restoration’ or ‘revolution’ is likely to triumph in Wales.

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‘The Callous Credit Nexus’: Ideology and Compulsion in the Crisis of Neoliberalism

Cited by 9 publications

References 8 publications

Discipline, debt and coercive commodification: Post-crisis neoliberalism and the welfare state in Ireland, the UK and the USA

Discipline, debt and coercive commodification: Post-crisis neoliberalism and the welfare state in Ireland, the UK and the USA

Between the crises: Migration politics and the three periods of neoliberalism

Welsh devolution as passive revolution

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