The Choice for Europe: Social Purpose and State Power from Messina to Maastricht

Hitchcock, William I.; Moravcsik, Andrew

doi:10.2307/2649481

Cited by 17 publications

(20 citation statements)

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“…A number of categorical divisions are applied to existing research on the factors that drive institutional design of regional organisations (ROs). For some, the most significant divide is between accounts that privilege factors that are endogenous to the region, such as economic interdependence or commonly-held values between member states (Moravcsik, 1998, Acharya, 2009, or exogenous drivers, such as the rise of China (Beeson, 2016) or Russia's attempts to counter a Western-led global order (Forsberg and Herd, 2015).…”

Section: Existing Theories Of Institutional Designmentioning

confidence: 99%

Shame, Exasperation and Institutional Design: The African Union as an Emotional Security Community

Hogan

2023

Afr. Asian Stud.

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The establishment of the African Peace and Security Architecture (APSA) marked a fundamental reassessment of the African Union’s (AU) approach to security management. Many studies, however, view APSA through the lens of Eurocentric theories that neglect the agency of African actors. In contrast, this article examines how APSA’s design was influenced by collectively-held emotions – defined as moral judgements, based on present expectations and past experiences – amongst African policymakers. Emotional expressions can stabilise security communities by emphasising enmity towards outsiders and amity between insiders, while demanding remorse from individual or sub-groups of members that commit moral trespasses. However, this article theorises that inward-facing shame, when collectively felt by a community as a whole, can fundamentally alter its norms, valued behaviours and identity. This is illustrated by the APSA case study, which highlights the influence of inward-directed shame amongst African leaders over their reactions to humanitarian catastrophes in the 1990s, as well as outward-directed exasperation at the apathy of the international community. In addition to improving understanding of APSA’s establishment and design, this facilitates theory-building based upon African realities, thus making a valuable contribution to the growing field of International Relations scholarship concerned with emotions.

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Section: Existing Theories Of Institutional Designmentioning

confidence: 99%

Shame, Exasperation and Institutional Design: The African Union as an Emotional Security Community

Hogan

2023

Afr. Asian Stud.

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“…In contrast to the agnostic approach of the true social scientist, Jahn in fact presumes that we already know the (limited) scope of scientific claims before theory-guided empirical analysis within the paradigm has been conducted. 45 Yet, absent a set of comparative 41 Hitchcock (1999) and Moravcsik (2000a, b). In some ways I even share Jahn's concern about work that is overly general and abstract, but my concern is different.…”

Section: Theories: Are Individual Liberal Claims Derived Properly?mentioning

confidence: 99%

“… 41 Hitchcock (1999) and Moravcsik (2000a, b). In some ways I even share Jahn’s concern about work that is overly general and abstract, but my concern is different.…”

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confidence: 99%

‘Wahn, Wahn, Überall Wahn’: A reply to Jahn’s critique of liberal internationalism

Moravcsik

2010

Int Theory

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The central claim of liberal international relations (IR) theory, which clearly distinguishes it from other IR paradigms, is this: variation in 'preferences' is the fundamental cause of state behavior in world politics. Paradigms like realism or institutionalism stress the variation in capabilities and information, while treating preferences as constant or exogenous. Liberalism reverses this perspective: variation in ends, not means, matters. Why does liberal theory place so much emphasis on variation in state preferences? From the liberal perspective, globalization is a universal condition of world politics. Individuals and groups are the fundamental actors in politics, even though what we are trying to explain is the behavior of states. Individuals and groups are embedded in domestic and transnational society, which creates diverse incentives for them to interact across borders-economically, socially, and culturally. This in turn creates private demands on the state from influential subsets of the population-'selectorates'-to further or block such activity. These demands are transmitted through representative institutions. The result is a distribution of varied state preferences across the international system. This variation in preferences captures the essential 'social embeddedness' of world politics. Preferences give each state an underlying stake in the international issues it faces. At one extreme, where the magnitude of globalization is

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“…In EU studies, the term 'differentiated integration' has served mainly as an analytical lens for studying formal variation, either in states' degree of legal commitment to (parts of) the integration project or in organizational decision-making procedures across policy areas (Schimmelfennig et al, 2015;Schimmelfennig and Winzen, 2019; see also Fossum, 2019;Lavenex and Križić, 2019). Such a 'thin' analytical conception makes sense in the context of both canon theories on European integration foregrounding how state preferences drive or hamper cooperation and decision-making (Moravcsik, 1998), and theories emphasizing how path-dependent institutional processes over time curb member states' individual room for manoeuvre (Pierson, 1996). However, in this article, I argue that three important aspects are lost if we confine the study of differentiated integration to negotiated outcomes manifest in legal documents and decision-making procedures.…”

Section: Introductionmentioning

confidence: 97%

United clubs of Europe: Informal differentiation and the social ordering of intra-EU diplomacy

Haugevik¹

2022

Cooperation and Conflict

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This article makes the case for integrating informal, social and minilateral dynamics in analyses of ‘differentiated integration’ in the European Union (EU) context. In EU studies, differentiated integration has mainly served as an analytical lens for studying variation in states’ degree of formalized commitment to the European integration project or in organizational decision-making procedures across policy areas. While this focus has generated important analytical and empirical insights, three dimensions tend to be lost when limiting the study of differentiated integration to negotiated outcomes manifest in legal documents and decision-making procedures. First, informal processes of integration precede and concur with formal ones. Second, European integration is an inherently social process, and member states integrate with the EU identity-building project in different ways and to different degrees. Third, member states enjoy heterogeneous social ties with one another, routinely forming informal bi- and minilateral coalitions in everyday decision-shaping processes. More knowledge about these informal and social dynamics can give us a better understanding of how differentiated integration manifests itself in practice and where the European integration process is heading. The theoretical argument is buttressed by data from the 2020 European Council of Foreign Relations’ ‘Coalition Explorer’ survey, showing how partner preferences within the EU continue to reflect stable social sub-orders.

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The Choice for Europe: Social Purpose and State Power from Messina to Maastricht

Cited by 17 publications

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Shame, Exasperation and Institutional Design: The African Union as an Emotional Security Community

Shame, Exasperation and Institutional Design: The African Union as an Emotional Security Community

‘Wahn, Wahn, Überall Wahn’: A reply to Jahn’s critique of liberal internationalism

United clubs of Europe: Informal differentiation and the social ordering of intra-EU diplomacy

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