The Class Structure of Britain, Germany, Sweden and Switzerland

Oesch, Daniel

doi:10.1057/9780230504592_8

Cited by 89 publications

(114 citation statements)

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“…Given that self‐reported social class may be an inexact proxy of a respondent's economic circumstances, we now examine whether our results are robust to alternative measures. Our alternative measures are typically considered sub‐dimensions of social class and include an indicator of a respondent's educational attainment, a measure of a respondent's financial troubles and a measure of occupational status, which we code following Oesch ().…”

Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

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The politics of international redistribution: Explaining public support for fiscal transfers in the EU

Kleider

Stoeckel

2018

European J Political Res

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As a consequence of the Eurozone crisis and the creation of the European Stability Mechanism (ESM), the prospect of a transfer union has become a particularly contested aspect of European integration. How should one understand the public backlash against fiscal transfers? And, what explains voter preferences for international transfers more generally? Using data from the 2014 European Elections Study (EES), this article describes the first cross‐national analysis of voters’ preferences on international transfers. The analysis reveals a strong association between voters’ non‐economic cultural orientations (i.e., their cosmopolitanism) and their position on transfers. At the same time, it is found that voters’ economic left‐right orientations are crucial for a fuller understanding of the public conflict over transfers. This counters previous research that finds economic left‐right orientations to be of little explanatory value. This study demonstrates that the association between economic left‐right orientations and preferences for international transfers is conditional on a person's social class. Among citizens in a high‐income class an economically left‐leaning position is associated with support for transfers, whereas it is associated with opposition to transfers among citizens in a low‐income class.

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Section: Resultsmentioning

confidence: 99%

“…By contrast, we expect left‐leaning respondents without such troubles to be supportive of EU transfers. Third, we use occupational categories in the EES following a scheme developed by Oesch () . We analyse these occupational categories with dummy variables.…”

Section: Data and Measurementmentioning

confidence: 99%

The politics of international redistribution: Explaining public support for fiscal transfers in the EU

Kleider

Stoeckel

2018

European J Political Res

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“…1992; Inglehart 1990; Kriesi 1993). In their place, new structuring conflicts have developed since the late 1960s, which have been variously labeled as expressions of a ‘new politics’ (Franklin 1992; Müller‐Rommel 1984), a ‘new value’ (Inglehart 1977, 1990) or ‘new class’ (Evans 1999; Kriesi 1998; Manza & Brooks 1999; Lachat 2004; Oesch 2006) cleavage. The so‐called ‘new social movements’ that mobilized in the name of cultural liberalism and social justice reinvigorated the traditional class cleavage and contributed to the transformation of the cultural dimension from one mainly defined in terms of religious concerns to one opposing culturally liberal or libertarian concerns, on the one side, and the defence of traditional (authoritarian) values and institutions (including traditional Christian religion, traditional forms of the family and a strong army), on the other.…”

Section: The Impact Of the New Structural Conflict On The Structure Omentioning

confidence: 99%

Globalization and the transformation of the national political space: Six European countries compared

Kriesi¹,

Grande²,

Lachat³

et al. 2006

European J Political Res

1,202

861

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Abstract. This article starts from the assumption that the current process of globalization or denationalization leads to the formation of a new structural conflict in Western European countries, opposing those who benefit from this process against those who tend to lose in the course of the events. The structural opposition between globalization 'winners' and 'losers' is expected to constitute potentials for political mobilization within national political contexts, the mobilization of which is expected to give rise to two intimately related dynamics: the transformation of the basic structure of the national political space and the strategic repositioning of the political parties within the transforming space. The article presents several hypotheses with regard to these two dynamics and tests them empirically on the basis of new data concerning the supply side of electoral politics from six Western European countries

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“…The labor‐market controls are dummy variables for being retired, unemployed (those who are unemployed and actively looking for work), and not being active in the labor force (including those who are undergoing education, unemployed respondents who are not looking for a job, permanently sick or disabled, those in military or community service, and those doing housework or taking care of family members). Social‐class categories are coded according to the Oesch () five‐class schema, using the detailed ISCO occupation categories available in the ESS. We take small business owners as the reference category and include higher‐ and lower‐grade service class, and skilled and unskilled worker categories in the models.…”

Section: Authoritarianism: a Conceptual And Methodological Labyrinthmentioning

confidence: 99%

Authoritarian Predispositions and Attitudes Towards Redistribution

Arıkan

Şekercioğlu

2019

Political Psychology

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Authoritarian predispositions are associated with a preference for order, certainty, and security. Using data from European Social Surveys (ESS), we show that this association extends to attitudes towards redistributive policies. We demonstrate that support for redistributive policies that emphasize the government’s responsibility to provide old age, health, and unemployment benefits are positively associated with authoritarian predispositions. We also provide evidence that perceived economic threats moderate this relationship such that, for individuals who perceive higher levels of economic threat, the relationship between authoritarian predispositions and support for government responsibility is stronger. These results show that authoritarian predispositions are not only associated with social preferences but also attitudes towards economic policies.

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The Class Structure of Britain, Germany, Sweden and Switzerland

Cited by 89 publications

References 0 publications

The politics of international redistribution: Explaining public support for fiscal transfers in the EU

The politics of international redistribution: Explaining public support for fiscal transfers in the EU

Globalization and the transformation of the national political space: Six European countries compared

Authoritarian Predispositions and Attitudes Towards Redistribution

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