The Colossus of Rhodes

Maryon, Herbert

doi:10.2307/629554

Cited by 17 publications

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“…HN 34.41 and pseudo-Philo of Byzantium, Mir. For a discussion, see Mayron 1956 andHoepfner 2003. Brought to you by | University of Victoria McPherson Library Serials Authenticated Download Date | 6/4/15 11:56 PM knees in 226 B.C. Its enormous remains, which lay on the ground for hundreds of years, still impressed visitors in the Augustan period (Strabo 14.2.5, 652C.).…”

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Longinus 36.3: The Faulty Colossus and Plato’s Phaedrus

Jonge

2013

Trends in Classics

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Longinus, On the Sublime 36.3 responds to 'the writer' who argued that 'the faulty colossus is not better than Polyclitus' Doryphorus'. This passage raises several questions: who is 'the writer' to whom Longinus responds? How should we understand Longinus' complex reply? And which ancient statue is the 'colossus' in this comparison? This article offers an interpretation of the passage in its context, and re-examines the identifications of the 'colossus' that have been proposed so far: the Colossus of Rhodes, the Colossus of Nero, and Phidias' statue of Zeus in Olympia. Having argued that none of these statues is a satisfactory candidate for Longinus' 'faulty colossus', this article asserts that the comparison between the colossus and the Doryphorus was introduced in a critical discussion of the styles of Plato and Lysias: Plato is a sublime writer whose excessive use of metaphors comes with occasional mistakes, whereas Lysias is the model of faultless accuracy. The context strongly suggests that Longinus 36.3 responds to the Augustan critic Caecilius of Caleacte, who claimed that 'Lysias is altogether superior to Plato' (Longinus 32.8). Such ancient comparisons between Lysias and Plato were provoked by Socrates' criticism of Lysias in Plato's Phaedrus, which suggests a solution to our problem. In his praise of Socrates' oratory Phaedrus mentions a statue in Olympia, which we may identify as the 'faulty colossus': it is the famous colossus of Zeus, an archaic statue of hammered gold, dedicated by the Cypselids. The fact that Augustan critics describe Plato's sublime style as 'archaic' or 'old-fashioned' supports this new interpretation.This article proposes a new identification of the colossus mentioned in On the Sublime 36.3. Longinus (as I will call the anonymous author) replies to 'the writer' who has argued that 'the faulty colossus is not better than the Doryphorus of Polyclitus': Brought to you by | University of Victoria McPherson Library Serials Authenticated Download Date | 6/4/15 11:56 PM 1 Longinus 32.8 = Caecilius of Caleacte fr. 150 Ofenloch = fr. 28 Augello: ὁ Καικίλιος ἐν τοῖς ὑπὲρ Λυσίου συγγράμμασιν ἀπεθάρρησεν τῷ παντὶ Λυσίαν ἀμείνω Πλάτωνος ἀποφήνασθαι. On Caecilius and Longinus and their literary models, see Innes 2002, 259-84. Brought to you by |

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Longinus 36.3: The Faulty Colossus and Plato’s Phaedrus

Jonge

2013

Trends in Classics

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“…For example the artistic depiction of the Colossus of Rhodes [5]. Figure 1 shows the steps required to convert a digital design to a digital object, and can be considered to require four steps:…”

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Approaches to maintaining provenance throughout the additive manufacturing process

Fadhel

Crowder

Wills

2013

World Congress on Internet Security (WorldCIS-2013)

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Abstract-The development of 3D printers has resulted in significant Intellectual Property Right issues. This work presents a model for signing printable 3D objects. The paper initially reviews the security principles of signing of objects in both digital or physical form, and the metrics for assessing signatures. 3D designs are not just a file, but actual physical objects and should be treated identically, to digital documents that have associated intellectual property rights and copyright protection. In this paper we propose a signing methodology intended to resolve issues with the adaptation of rapid prototyping and 3D printing by users both in engineering and the humanities. The proposed digital signing methodology is based on physical signing principles that follow archival principles to maintain accurate records. The new model allows the transition of provenance between digital and physical form.

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“…Thus, he provides some indirect confirmation for Malalas' statement that Hadrian had indeed restored it. There is some additional literary evidence that hints at a restored and re-erected Colossus, albeit this48 On the coins of Rhodes, see especiallyMaryon 1956;Ashton 1988 andDe Callatay 2006; Kebrick 2019 with bibliography. 49 Paus.…”

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Insularity and Imperial Politics: Hadrian on the Greek Islands

Kouremenos

2021

Mare Nostrum (São Paulo)

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Since its conquest by Rome in the 2nd century BCE, Roman notables were a constant presence in Greece. While various sites on the mainland served as battlegrounds for Roman civil wars during the 1st century BCE (e.g., Pharsalus, Actium, Philippi), the early imperial period was characterized by the use of various Greek islands as places of – often self-imposed – exile and/or isolation for such notables as M. Vipsanius Agrippa (Lesbos) and Tiberius (Rhodes). Other imperial Romans sojourned in the Aegean islands for different reasons. Augustus spent a winter on Samos after his victory at Actium, using it as a temporary powerbase for the refinement of his imperial plans, and he visited it and other islands again as emperor. While the first two Julio-Claudian emperors maintained close contacts with the Greek world, in the 2nd century CE Hadrian took this connection a step further and promoted Hellenism as a major part of his imperial policy. Naturally, the Greek islands played an important role in imperial politics during his reign, but only as components of the wider Hellenic world and not as isolated entities. Hadrian visited Rhodes and Paros to restore and venerate older Hellenic monuments – the Colossus and the tomb of the poet Archilochus respectively – and possibly Samothrace in order to be initiated into the Mysteries of the Great Gods. He also visited other islands in Greece, but his exact travel itinerary can only be speculative given our fragmentary literary and epigraphic evidence. In this paper, I focus on Hadrian’s presence on the Aegean islands and argue that during his reign they served mainly as sites that allowed for the implementation of his imperial plans by virtue of their easy access from the mainland Greek and Asian provinces. Accordingly, by promoting certain aspects of older Hellenic culture on specific islands, Hadrian conferred renewed prestige to these islands in the Roman Empire.

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The Colossus of Rhodes

Cited by 17 publications

References 0 publications

Longinus 36.3: The Faulty Colossus and Plato’s Phaedrus

Longinus 36.3: The Faulty Colossus and Plato’s Phaedrus

Approaches to maintaining provenance throughout the additive manufacturing process

Insularity and Imperial Politics: Hadrian on the Greek Islands

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