The Cross-Linguistic Distribution of Adjective Ordering Restrictions

Sproat, Richard; Shih, Chilin

doi:10.1007/978-94-011-3818-5_30

Cited by 125 publications

(113 citation statements)

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“…The nominals in the left hand column illustrate the unmarked, often unique order of pre-nominal adjectives in English. Most of the examples are preceded by a category cline, which I have taken and adapted from the following sources: Cinque (1994), Dixon (1982), Hetzron (1978), Scott (1998) and Sproat and Shih (1988) (see also Bouchard, 2002, for a semantic grounding of the observed ordering). The nominals in the right hand column are the Hebrew translations of the English NPs.…”

Section: The Distribution Of Adjectives In Hebrew and The Mirror Imagmentioning

confidence: 99%

The form of Semitic noun phrases

Shlonsky

2004

Lingua

252

176

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I propose a phrasal-movement analysis of word order in Hebrew and Arabic noun phrases. I argue that the positioning of nominal modifiers with respect to the head of simple nouns cannot be adequately handled by an N-raising derivation. This is so because nouns fail to move as heads in the grammars of Hebrew and Arabic. The only heads that seem to be able to move are those which do not assign genitive case. When modifiers (adjectives, numerals, demonstratives, etc.) appear to the right of the noun, it is the noun phrase itself which has raised to the left of the modifier, moving from specifier to specifier and pied piping all the material on its right. In this manner, inverse or mirror image ordering of post-nominal material is accounted for.Some modifiers have the option of appearing pre-nominally as well as post-nominally. I argue that these elements can be merged either as heads governing their complement and assigning genitive case to their sister or to the specifier of their sister, or as specifiers of projections containing a phonetically null head. In the former case, the modifier's sister is frozen in position, being licensed by genitive case. In the latter case, XP-movement of the sister of the null head is triggered, and agreement or concord is manifested on the modifier. I develop a configurational theory of agreement, which accounts for these phenomena. Many of the signature properties of the Semitic Construct-state fall out from the phrasal movement analysis.Finally, action nominalizations are dealt with. I provide arguments for a syntactic derivation in which a VP is associated with a nominalizing head configured in the clausal hierarchy as a functional head. I show that the position of the nominalizing head is above certain aspectual projections and lower than others. This explains why some adverbials, but not others, may occur inside a derived nominal. #

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Section: The Distribution Of Adjectives In Hebrew and The Mirror Imagmentioning

confidence: 99%

The form of Semitic noun phrases

Shlonsky

2004

Lingua

252

176

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“…With these provisos, this descriptive generalisation, richly supported in the relevant literature (most substantially in Hetzron 1978 andSproat &Shih 1990), can be made over (1a/b), which are by far the most common orderings across languages:…”

Section: 6mentioning

confidence: 64%

Extent and limits of linguistic diversity as the remit of typology – but through constraints on what is diversity limited?

Plank¹

2017

Linguistic Typology

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“…Following Cinque [4], Laenzlinger [10,11,24], and Scott [80], the simplified hierarchy can be established in (56) for event-denoting nouns and (57) for object-denoting nouns Laenzlinger [11] (p. 650). 56 Cinque provides a more fine-grained hierarchy with dual positions for direct/indirect adjectival modifiers [37] (see also Sproat and Shih [81,82], Larson [83]) and the possible position for the noun in Germanic and Romance. See (58) and Table 1.…”

Section: The Noun Phrasementioning

confidence: 99%

A View of the CP/DP-(non)parallelism from the Cartographic Perspective

Laenzlinger

2017

Languages

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Abstract:The aim of this paper is to reconsider some aspects of the so-called clause/noun-phrase (non-)parallelism (Abney 1987 and much subsequent work). The question that arises is to find out what is common and what is different between the clause as a Complementizer Phrase (CP)-structure and the noun as a Determiner Phrase (DP)-structure in terms of structure and derivation. An example of structural parallelism lies in the division of the clause and the noun phrase into three domains: (i) the Nachfeld (right periphery), which is the thematic domain; (ii) the Mittelfeld (midfield), which is the inflection, agreement, Case and modification domain and (iii) the Vorfeld (left periphery), which is the discourse-and operator-related domain. However, we will show following Giusti (2002Giusti ( , 2006, Payne (1993), Bruening (2009), Cinque (2011), Laenzlinger (2011, 2015 among others that the inner structure of the Vorfeld and of the Mittelfeld of the clause is not strictly parallel to that of the noun phrase. Although derivational parallelism also lies in the possible types of movement occurring in the CP and DP domains (short head/X-movement, simple XP-movement, remnant XP-movement and pied-piping XP-movement), we will see that there is non-parallelism in the application of these sorts of movement within the clause and the noun phrase. In addition, we will test the respective orders among adverbs/adjectives, DP/Prepositional Phrase (PP)-arguments and DP/PP-adjuncts in the Mittelfeld of the clause/noun phrase and show that Cinque's (2013) left-right asymmetry holds crosslinguistically for the possible neutral order (without focus effects) in post-verbal/nominal positions with respect to the prenominal/preverbal base order and its impossible reverse order.

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The Cross-Linguistic Distribution of Adjective Ordering Restrictions

Cited by 125 publications

References 0 publications

The form of Semitic noun phrases

The form of Semitic noun phrases

Extent and limits of linguistic diversity as the remit of typology – but through constraints on what is diversity limited?

A View of the CP/DP-(non)parallelism from the Cartographic Perspective

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