“…Abramowitz and Teixeira (2008) have written of “the rise of a mass upper middle class,” and this is what we are seeing in Figure 5. Whether you call it red and blue America, or soccer moms versus SUV dads, it is a geographic component to the culture war that was not occurring in the days of Spiro Agnew and Richard Nixon, or even in the era of Phyllis Schlafly and Ronald Reagan.…”
Section: Income Inequality and The Rich‐poor Partisan Voting Gap Overmentioning
Objectives. Income inequality in the United States has risen during the past several decades. Has this produced an increase in partisan voting differences between rich and poor?
Methods. We examine trends from the 1940s through the 2000s in the country as a whole and in the states.
Results. We find no clear relation between income inequality and class‐based voting.
Conclusions. Factors such as religion and education result in a less clear pattern of class‐based voting than we might expect based on income inequality alone.
“…Abramowitz and Teixeira (2008) have written of “the rise of a mass upper middle class,” and this is what we are seeing in Figure 5. Whether you call it red and blue America, or soccer moms versus SUV dads, it is a geographic component to the culture war that was not occurring in the days of Spiro Agnew and Richard Nixon, or even in the era of Phyllis Schlafly and Ronald Reagan.…”
Section: Income Inequality and The Rich‐poor Partisan Voting Gap Overmentioning
Objectives. Income inequality in the United States has risen during the past several decades. Has this produced an increase in partisan voting differences between rich and poor?
Methods. We examine trends from the 1940s through the 2000s in the country as a whole and in the states.
Results. We find no clear relation between income inequality and class‐based voting.
Conclusions. Factors such as religion and education result in a less clear pattern of class‐based voting than we might expect based on income inequality alone.
“…This decision about classification excludes better paid members of the traditional working class while including students, recent college graduates, homemakers, the retired, and the disabled. 56 When other understandings (involving education, occupation, and self-identification) of the white working class are adopted, then there is much greater evidence that cultural and other factors have displaced voting according to economic class. Using a broader definition of class, Alan Abramowitz and Ruy Teixeira argue that "there has been a dramatic decline in support for the Democratic Party" among both lower -and middle-class white voters.…”
“…Their strategy, aimed at winning White votes, had a historical foundation. Scholars have argued that the progressive policies that originated in the 1960s, including affirmative action, have pushed male voters and White voters from the Democratic toward the Republican Party (Abramowitz & Teixeira, 2008;Edsall & Edsall, 1991;Rhoads, Saenz, & Carducci, 2005)-the so-called Reagan Democrats.…”
Although affirmative action in college admissions has not been declared unconstitutional by the Supreme Court, the consideration of race in admissions has been banned in nine states—in six of them by public vote. This article analyzes the campaigns to ban affirmative action in California and Michigan as a battle between interest groups. The course of events in these states demonstrates that public opinion is a threat to the legality of affirmative action, should interest groups continue to take advantage of it by pursuing bans by state initiative.
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